Watching New Love as It Sears the Brain

Posted on December 7th, 2008 in Rationality & Emotions by Dr Rationalist

New love can look for all the world like mental illness, a blend of mania, dementia and obsession that cuts people off from friends and family and prompts out-of-character behavior – compulsive phone calling, serenades, yelling from rooftops – that could almost be mistaken for psychosis.

Now for the first time, neuroscientists have produced brain scan images of this fevered activity, before it settles into the wine and roses phase of romance or the joint holiday card routines of long-term commitment.

In an analysis of the images appearing  (recently) in The Journal of Neurophysiology, researchers in New York and New Jersey argue that romantic love is a biological urge distinct from sexual arousal.

It is closer in its neural profile to drives like hunger, thirst or drug craving, the researchers assert, than to emotional states like excitement or affection. As a relationship deepens, the brain scans suggest, the neural activity associated with romantic love alters slightly, and in some cases primes areas deep in the primitive brain that are involved in long-term attachment.

The research helps explain why love produces such disparate emotions, from euphoria to anger to anxiety, and why it seems to become even more intense when it is withdrawn. In a separate, continuing experiment, the researchers are analyzing brain images from people who have been rejected by their lovers.

“When you’re in the throes of this romantic love it’s overwhelming, you’re out of control, you’re irrational, you’re going to the gym at 6 a.m. every day – why? Because she’s there,” said Dr. Helen Fisher, an anthropologist at Rutgers University and the co-author of the analysis. “And when rejected, some people contemplate stalking, homicide, suicide. This drive for romantic love can be stronger than the will to live.”

Brain imaging technology cannot read people’s minds, experts caution, and a phenomenon as many sided and socially influenced as love transcends simple computer graphics, like those produced by the technique used in the study, called functional M.R.I.

Still, said Dr. Hans Breiter, director of the Motivation and Emotion Neuroscience Collaboration at Massachusetts General Hospital, “I distrust about 95 percent of the M.R.I. literature and I would give this study an ‘A’; it really moves the ball in terms of understanding infatuation love.”

He added: “The findings fit nicely with a large, growing body of literature describing a generalized reward and aversion system in the brain, and put this intellectual construct of love directly onto the same axis as homeostatic rewards such as food, warmth, craving for drugs.”

In the study, Dr. Fisher, Dr. Lucy Brown of Albert Einstein College of Medicine in the Bronx and Dr. Arthur Aron, a psychologist at the State University of New York at Stony Brook, led a team that analyzed about 2,500 brain images from 17 college students who were in the first weeks or months of new love. The students looked at a picture of their beloved while an M.R.I. machine scanned their brains. The researchers then compared the images with others taken while the students looked at picture of an acquaintance.

Functional M.R.I. technology detects increases or decreases of blood flow in the brain, which reflect changes in neural activity.

In the study, a computer-generated map of particularly active areas showed hot spots deep in the brain, below conscious awareness, in areas called the caudate nucleus and the ventral tegmental area, which communicate with each other as part of a circuit.

These areas are dense with cells that produce or receive a brain chemical called dopamine, which circulates actively when people desire or anticipate a reward. In studies of gamblers, cocaine users and even people playing computer games for small amounts of money, these dopamine sites become extremely active as people score or win, neuroscientists say.

Yet falling in love is among the most irrational of human behaviors, not merely a matter of satisfying a simple pleasure, or winning a reward. And the researchers found that one particular spot in the M.R.I. images, in the caudate nucleus, was especially active in people who scored highly on a questionnaire measuring passionate love.

This passion-related region was on the opposite side of the brain from another area that registers physical attractiveness, the researchers found, and appeared to be involved in longing, desire and the unexplainable tug that people feel toward one person, among many attractive alternative partners.

This distinction, between finding someone attractive and desiring him or her, between liking and wanting, “is all happening in an area of the mammalian brain that takes care of most basic functions, like eating, drinking, eye movements, all at an unconscious level, and I don’t think anyone expected this part of the brain to be so specialized,” Dr. Brown said.

The intoxication of new love mellows with time, of course, and the brain scan findings reflect some evidence of this change, Dr. Fisher said.

In an earlier functional M.R.I. study of romance, published in 2000, researchers at University College London monitored brain activity in young men and women who had been in relationships for about two years. The brain images, also taken while participants looked at photos of their beloved, showed activation in many of the same areas found in the new study – but significantly less so, in the region correlated with passionate love, she said.

In the new study, the researchers also saw individual differences in their group of smitten lovers, based on how long the participants had been in the relationships. Compared with the students who were in the first weeks of a new love, those who had been paired off for a year or more showed significantly more activity in an area of the brain linked to long-term commitment.

Last summer, scientists at Emory University in Atlanta reported that injecting a ratlike animal called a vole with a single gene turned promiscuous males into stay-at-home dads – by activating precisely the same area of the brain where researchers in the new study found increased activity over time.

“This is very suggestive of attachment processes taking place,” Dr. Brown said. “You can almost imagine a time where instead of going to Match.com you could have a test to find out whether you’re an attachment type or not.”

One reason new love is so heart-stopping is the possibility, the ever-present fear, that the feeling may not be entirely requited, that the dream could suddenly end.

In a follow-up experiment, Dr. Fisher, Dr. Aron and Dr. Brown have carried out brain scans on 17 other young men and women who recently were dumped by their lovers. As in the new love study, the researchers compared two sets of images, one taken when the participants were looking at a photo of a friend, the other when looking at a picture of their ex.

Although they are still sorting through the images, the investigators have noticed one preliminary finding: increased activation in an area of the brain related to the region associated with passionate love. “It seems to suggest what the psychological literature, poetry and people have long noticed: that being dumped actually does heighten romantic love, a phenomenon I call frustration-attraction,” Dr. Fisher said in an e-mail message.

One volunteer in the study was Suzanna Katz, 22, of New York, who suffered through a breakup with her boyfriend three years ago. Ms. Katz said she became hyperactive to distract herself after the split, but said she also had moments of almost physical withdrawal, as if weaning herself from a drug.

“It had little to do with him, but more with the fact that there was something there, inside myself, a hope, a knowledge that there’s someone out there for you, and that you’re capable of feeling this way, and suddenly I felt like that was being lost,” she said in an interview.

And no wonder. In a series of studies, researchers have found that, among other processes, new love involves psychologically internalizing a lover, absorbing elements of the other person’s opinions, hobbies, expressions, character, as well as sharing one’s own. “The expansion of the self happens very rapidly, it’s one of the most exhilarating experiences there is, and short of threatening our survival it is one thing that most motivates us,” said Dr. Aron, of SUNY, a co-author of the study.

To lose all that, all at once, while still in love, plays havoc with the emotional, cognitive and deeper reward-driven areas of the brain. But the heightened activity in these areas inevitably settles down. And the circuits in the brain related to passion remain intact, the researchers say – intact and capable in time of flaring to life with someone new.

Truth in Ethics

Posted on November 27th, 2007 in Reason & Truth, Society by Dr Rationalist

Controversies, such as the Freedom of Speech debate at the Oxford Union, always brings people back as to what is truth, what are ethics, and whether they relate to each other in any critical manner. To this extent, we have, on The European Rationalist, written and reference a number of previous articles on the subject: How Could I Be Wrong? How Wrong Could I Be?; Delusions, Beliefs; Theism, Atheism, and RationalityScience and Truth; etc. At the level of general public debate we begin to think of issues such as to whether free speech (and consequently as to what we believe and why we believe it) has an envelope beyond which it becomes unacceptable to the current norms and metrics. The only problem is who decides – the media barons, big business, religious groups, powerful minorities?

I came across the book True to Life, and found a quite good review by Kieran Setiya of it that I think is worth reading to start off with.  

 

In True to Life, Michael Lynch sets out to defend “four truisms about truth”: truth is objective, a “cognitive good”, a worthy goal of inquiry, and something valuable in itself. On the back cover, Nussbaum says that the book “performs a major public service”.  

 

The argument of the book is intricate, though it is presented with an enviably light touch. It begins with the platitude that a belief is correct if and only if its object is a true proposition; deduces that, if p is true, it is good to believe p, other things being equal; interprets this as final or non-instrumental value; and concludes that truth is itself a normative property, and, given Moore’s “open question argument”, an irreducible one: “If truth matters, reductive naturalism is false.”

In a different context, it would be interesting to engage with these steps, each of which is controversial. Here, my focus is rhetorical. Who is Lynch writing for, and what are his chances of convincing them?

I think he cannot be writing for the post-modernist “enemies of truth” alleged to inhabit our English Departments. They will rightly feel that they are not taken seriously here. There is no mention of Derrida, and only a page or two on Foucault. In any case, the whole operation will seem to them naïvely unhistorical. To engage with them, one has to sink, or rise, to their level – as in Literature Against Itself.

Perhaps the aim of the book is prophylactic: it is meant to forestall the attractions of subjectivism and the cynical equation of truth with power. But if this is his persuasive task, Lynch has adopted an unfortunate strategy. Arguing that one cannot accept the value of truth without Moorean non-naturalism is bad salesmanship, even if is sound. It is not just the post-modern crowd who cannot stomach Principia Ethica: most philosophers find its commitments incredible.

The effect of True to Life, if it carries conviction, will thus be to enmire the truisms about truth in a swamp of metaphysics, to retrench the suspicion that those who believe in the possibility and the value of objective truth inhabit a Platonic jungle. As I said, that might be so – I haven’t tried to engage with Lynch’s arguments – but it would be terrible news. This truth might be one of those we do better not to believe.

Manipulating your Mind

Posted on November 26th, 2007 in The Mind by Dr Rationalist

Manipulating your mind – What will science discover about our brains, and how are we going to deal with it?

The Decade of the Brain, proclaimed by US President George Bush in 1990, passed without making much of an obvious impact. But it did in fact produce considerable scientific advances in neuro-biology, giving scientists an exponentially increasing knowledge of how the brain works and the means to manipulate biochemical processes within and between nerve cells. This knowledge is slowly trickling down to society as well, be it in the pharmaceutical industry, to parents concerned about their child’s performance in school, to students looking for chemical helpers to pass their exams, or to military researchers who have an obvious interest in keeping soldiers awake and alert.

“Unlike the many claimed applications of genetics… diagnostic and therapeutic products from neurobiological research are already available”

The ability to fiddle with the brain with ever-increasing effectiveness has also created critical questions about how to use this knowledge. Francis Fukuyama, in Our Posthuman Future, Leon Kass, Chairman of the US President’s Council on Bioethics, and Steven Rose, a neurobiologist at the Open University, UK, are the most prominent and outspoken critics of the use of psychopharmaceuticals and other neurological techniques to analyse and interfere with human mental capabilities. Their concerns have also grasped the attention of neurobiologists, ethicists, philosophers and the lay public, who are all slowly realising the enormous potential of modern neuroscience. “People closely identify themselves with their brains, they don’t with their genes,” said Arthur L. Caplan, Professor of Bioethics at the University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA, USA.

Although these debates started in the late 1990s, it took the general public a bit longer to take notice-The New York Times and The Economist did not pick up on the issue until 2002. “There is a great amount of information about the brain but no one’s paying attention to the ethics,” Caplan said. “The attention of ethicists went to genetics because of the Human Genome Project…so we had to jump-start the ethics [in neurobiology].” But that is rapidly changing. Unlike the many claimed applications of genetics, such as gene therapy or molecular medicine, diagnostic and therapeutic products from neurobiological research are already available. Caplan sees four major controversial areas: the definition and diagnosis of certain types of behaviour, such as aggression, terrorism or poor performance in school; the use of drugs to alter such behaviour; questions about moral responsibility-with people going to court and saying ‘this man isn’t responsible because his brain is abnormal’; and eventually new debates about racial and gender differences.

These controversies are not just anticipated: most are already occurring. Society’s pursuit of perfection entails ‘treating’ whatever is not desirable-be it bad mood, aggression or forgetfulness. Many people take herbal memory enhancers, such as ginkgo biloba, even though they are probably no more effective than sugar or coffee. But neurobiology adds a new twist. By understanding the brain’s workings at the chemical level, it paves the way for much more efficient ways to tweak brain function. And many psychopharmaceuticals already enjoy a much broader popularity beyond treating neurological and psychiatric diseases. “When you think of the millions of pills that people take as anti-anxiety drugs, how many of these people are really anxious? Probably just a small percentage,” said James L. McGaugh, Director of the Center for the Neurobiology of Learning and Memory at the University of California, Irvine, CA, USA. Millions of school children in the USA are prescribed antipsychotic drugs or are treated for depression and attention deficit and hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), and the numbers in Western Europe are also increasing (Brower, 2003). There is an epidemic of new behavioural disorders: ADHD, seasonal affective disorder (SAD), post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), panic disorder (PD), narcissistic personality disorder (NPD), borderline personality disorder (BPD), antisocial personality disorder (APD), histrionic personality disorder (HPD)-soon we will run out of letter combinations to abbreviate them all. The explosive increase in prescriptions for Ritalin® for school children has already prompted questions about the apparent epidemic of ADHD. “Now it’s not that Ritalin is not effective in sedating an over-active kid, it certainly is, but it’s turning a complex social relationship into a problem inside the brain of a child and therefore inside the genes of a child,” said Rose (see interview, in this issue).

In a way, Ritalin is neuroethics “in a nutshell”, commented Wrye Sententia, co-director of the Center for Cognitive Liberty and Ethics (CCLE), a non-profit education, law and policy center in Davis, CA, USA, and head of its programme on neuroethics. The debate over the drug covers social, ethical and legal issues: who defines behaviour and behavioural disorder, who should control treatment, how should society react to drug misuse, and is it ethical to use drugs to gain an advantage over others? These are valid questions that apply equally to neuroethics in general.

Neuropharmaceuticals have already found applications outside a medical setting. Like amphetamines before it, Ritalin is increasingly used by healthy people to help them focus their attention. Similarly, the development of new drugs to influence the biochemistry of brain function also has broad economic potential outside the medical setting. Most memory-enhancing drugs available to treat Alzheimer’s, such as donezepil, galantamine or rivastigmine, inhibit cholinesterase to slow down the turnover of the neurotransmitter acetylcholine in the synapse. New drugs in the development pipeline will act on other compounds in the biochemical pathway that encodes memory: Cortex Pharmaceuticals (Irvine, CA, USA) are studying compounds called Ampakines®, which act on the AMPA receptor. This receptor responds to glutamate, which is itself involved in memory acquisition. Another class of drugs under development acts on the cAMP responsive element-binding protein (CREB), the last step in establishing long-term memory. “What we would expect is that drugs that enhance CREB signalling would be specific to inducing long-term memory and not affect upstream events of memory, such as memory acquisition and short term memory,” explained Tim Tully, Professor at Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory (NY, USA) and founder of Helicon Therapeutics (Farmingdale, NY, USA), one of two companies now working on drugs to increase CREB function.

None of these drugs, however, tackles brain degeneration itself, the cause of Alzheimer’s and other neurodegenerative diseases, but instead they delay the disease by squeezing a little more out of the remaining brain material. Consequently, they will also work on healthy people. Not surprisingly, the pharmaceutical industry has a great interest in this non-medical use of memory-enhancing drugs, according to McGaugh: “The Alzheimer market is a very important one, but small. The real market is everyone else out there who would like to learn a little easier. So they take a pill in place of studying harder.” Tully warned about the dangers of this off-label use of memory enhancers. The side effects of the first generation of memory drugs are a risk that should not be taken when there is no reason, he said. And this may never become an application, due to other intrinsic side effects. “Maybe it is not a good thing to have memory enhanced chronically every day for the rest of your life. Maybe that will produce psychological side effects, like cramp your head with too many things you can’t forget,” Tully said.

“The strong military interest in psychopharmaceuticals also presents another conundrum: if the military allows their off-label use, it would be hard to call for a ban on their civil use…”

Although memory is important, so too is the ability to forget negative experiences. As long-term memory is largely enhanced by stress hormones and emotional arousal, a horrendous event can overload the system and lead to PTSD: patients persistently re-experience the trauma. Researchers at Harvard University are now studying propranolol, a beta-blocker commonly used as a cardiac drug, as a means to decrease PTSD. Similarly, Helicon Therapeutics is working on CREB suppressors to achieve the same goal: forgetting unwanted memories. These drugs could be valuable for rape victims, survivors of terrorist attacks or young soldiers suffering from PTSD as a result of battlefield experiences. Nevertheless, an ethical debate over memory suppressors has emerged. Kass has described them as the “morning-after pill for just about anything that produces regret, remorse, pain or guilt” (Baard, 2003). But “if the soldier should be shot in the leg, he is treated. They mend the wounds. Now why wouldn’t they mend the mental wounds? On what moral grounds?” countered McGaugh. “We need the right regulations and we need the right education of society so that the social acceptance of how to use such drugs is appropriate,” said Tully. “Just to give the drug to every soldier that has been out in the field, that would be an abuse… A commander-in-chief, one would hope, would decide against such a use based on his education and on his advisors telling him scientists and experts have discussed this issue and it’s immoral to do something like that.”

“Freedom of thought is situated at the core of what it means to be a free person”

Cognitive enhancement is of just as much military interest as the treatment of PTSD. German fighter pilots in World War II took amphetamines to stay alert during British bombing raids at night. During the war against Iraq, US fighter and bomber pilots used drugs to keep awake during the long flights to and from their targets, which with briefing and debriefing could easily exceed 24 hours. Not surprisingly, the US Air Force is carrying out research on how donepezil could improve pilots’ performance. The strong military interest in psychopharmaceuticals also presents another conundrum: if the military allows their off-label use, it would be hard to call for a ban on their civil use, as Kass has suggested.

Neurological advances are not limited to new drugs. Brain imaging techniques, such as functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) or positron emission tomography (PET), offer enormous potential for analysing higher behaviour. While neurologists originally used them to analyse basic sensual, motor and cognitive processes, they are now increasingly being used by psychologists and philosophers to investigate the mechanics of social and moral attitudes, reasoning and moral perceptions (Illes et al, 2003). Joshua Greene, a graduate student at Princeton University’s Center for the Study of Brain, Mind and Behavior, put his human subjects into a fMRI scanner and presented them with hypothetical scenarios in which they had to make a decision between two more or less bad outcomes of the situation (Greene et al, 2001). The results of the studies show how the brain weighs emotional and rational reasoning against each other in its decision-making. Potentially, this could be used as a sophisticated lie detector to see if someone answers a question spontaneously or after considerable reasoning. Other studies showed that the brain reacts differently at first sight when seeing a person of the same or a different skin colour (Hart et al, 2000; Phelps et al, 2000). That does not necessarily mean that everyone is a racist, but refinement of such methods could unveil personal prejudices or preferences. The use of brain scans to evaluate people’s talents or dispositions will therefore draw as much interest as the drugs used to manipulate them. “Parents will be falling over themselves to take these tests,” Caplan said. In contrast to Kass and other conservative critics, he therefore argues that regulation will not make sense but that it should be left to the individual to make decisions about whether to undergo diagnostic tests for behaviour or take behaviour-modifying drugs. “Medicine, business and the public will have to negotiate these boundaries,” Caplan said, but he remains worried that “peer pressure and advertising and marketing will make us take those pills.” Rose also does not call for a ban, but wants society to take control of these new advances and their applications, based on democratic decisions.

The use of these new tests and drugs may cause another problem. Going back to Ritalin, Sententia explained that an important reason for the apparent increase in ADHD may be overcrowded classrooms and overworked teachers, who are quick to label a child with ADHD rather than call for improvements in the school. “From the top down there is a clear message to put these kids on drugs,” Sententia said. Society should instead “put the parents’ rights back into focus” and better educate parents about behavioural disorders. This would give them more freedom to make their own decisions for their child “so they are not at the mercy of doctors or teachers,” she continued. Such “cognitive liberty”, as Sententia described it, would have to rest on better public education and understanding about the risks and benefits, the potentials and myths of neurobiology. “What I think we need to do in the next five or ten years is discuss exactly what is appropriate and inappropriate in applying these things,” said Tully. “Now is the time for education.”

This does not, however, solve the question of who controls diagnostic tools and treatment in the case of people who are not free or able to make their own decisions-such as children, prison inmates or psychiatric patients. CCLE, for instance, filed an amicus curiae (’friend of the court’) brief to the US Supreme Court on behalf of Charles T. Sell, to argue against a court order requiring Sell to be injected with psychotropic drugs to make him mentally competent to stand trial for insurance fraud. Sententia sees some limitations, however, to cognitive freedom. Children do not enjoy the same civil rights as adults, but it should be the parents-not teachers or schools-who make the decisions about the diagnosis and treatment of their children, she said. Prison inmates also lose some of their individual rights when they are convicted, Sententia continued, and this may include their right to refuse medication. “The legal system will have to decide how to use this knowledge about the brain,” Caplan commented, in light of the “tremendous tension between brain privacy and social interest in controlling dangerous behaviour.” Sententia therefore stressed that all decisions about diagnosis and treatment must at least be in accordance with the US Constitution and the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights.

Some of the most important applications of this right to privacy concern using brain scans as a sophisticated lie detector for prisoners seeking parole, foreigners applying for a visa or employers testing their employees’ honesty. “What and how you think should be private,” Sententia said, because “freedom of thought is situated at the core of what it means to be a free person.” Caplan also expects more pressure from society in future to make sure that no such tests are performed without informed consent.

“The use of brain scans to evaluate people’s talents or dispositions will therefore draw as much interest as the drugs used to manipulate them”

Equally, Caplan, Sententia and others believe that individuals should be free to use neurological technology to enhance their mental abilities outside a medical setting. This is in contrast to the prohibitive stance taken by Kass and other conservatives who argue that it would be neither ‘natural’ nor fair to those who choose not to use such enhancement. “It’s not clear to me that all forms of enhancement are bad,” commented Adina Roskies, a neuroscientist and philosopher at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology’s Department of Linguistics and Philosophy (Cambridge, MA, USA). “There are all sorts of things that we do today that enhance our life prospects and that are not considered to be bad. … We’re far away from the ‘natural’ order already.” Thus, in some cases, instead of controlling or even restricting these new possibilities, it would be better if society focuses on trying to ensure that everyone has access to them, she continued. Given the increasing interest that the public is showing in the new possibilities offered by neuroscience, it may be too late for restrictions anyway. “There is no way of stopping this tide, the genie is out of the bottle,” Sententia said, “so the question is: how can we navigate this sea of change?”

References

  1. Baard E ( 2003) The guilt-free soldier. The Village Voice, Jan 22
  2. Brower V ( 2003) Analyse this. EMBO Rep 4: 1022-1024
  3. Greene JD, Sommerville RB, Nystrom LE, Darley JM, Cohen JD ( 2001) An fMRI investigation of emotional engagement in moral judgement. Science 293: 2105-2108
  4. Hart A, Whalen P, McInerney S, Fischer H, Rauch S ( 2000) Differential response in the human amygdala to racial outgroup versus ingroup stimuli. Neuroreport 11: 2351-2355
  5. Illes J, Kirschen MP, Gabrieli JDE ( 2003) From neuroimaging to neuroethics. Nat Neurosci 6: 205
  6. Phelps EA, O’Connor KJ, Cunningham WA, Funayama ES, Gatenby JC, Gore JC, Banaji MR ( 2000) Performance on indirect measures of race evaluation predicts amygdala activation. J Cogn Neurosci 12: 729-738

Manipulating your mind – What will science discover about our brains, and how are we going to deal with it? Holger Breithaupt & Katrin Weigmann, EMBO reports 5, 3, 230-232 (2004)

Values, Science and Religion

Posted on September 23rd, 2007 in Rationality & Science, Reason & Faith by Dr Rationalist

It seems to me that the obligation to expose religious beliefs as nonsensical is an ethical one incumbent upon every anthropological scientist, for the simple reason that the essential ethos of science lies in an unwavering dedication to truth. As Frankel and Trend (1991:182) put it, “the basic demand of science is that we seek and tell the honest truth, insofar as we know it, without fear or favor.” In the pursuit of scientific knowledge, the evidence is the only thing that matters. Emotional, aesthetic, or political considerations are never germane to the truth or falsity of any propositional claim. (There are moons around Jupiter, just as Galileo claimed, even though the Catholic Church and most Christians at the time did not like him for saying it.) In science, there is no room for compromise in the commitment to candor. Scientists cannot allow themselves to be propagandists or apologists touting convenient or comforting myths.

It is not simply our desires for intellectual honesty and disciplinary integrity that compel us to face the truth about religious beliefs; as anthropologists, we are specifically enjoined to do so by our code of ethics. According to the Revised Principles of Professional Responsibility adopted by the American Anthropological Association in 1990, anthropologists have an explicit obligation “to contribute to the formation of informational grounds upon which public policy may be founded” (Fluehr-Lobban 1991:276). When anthropologists fail to publicly proclaim the falsity of religious beliefs, they fail to live up to their ethical responsibilities in this regard. In a debate concerning public policy on population control, for example, anthropologists have an ethical obligation to explain that God does not disapprove of the use of contraceptives because there is no such thing as God.

We also have an obligation not to pick and choose which truths we are willing to tell publicly. I think, for example, that the political threat from the oxymoronic “scientific creationists” would be better met if anthropologists were to debunk the entire range of creationist claims (including the belief that God exists as well as the belief that humans and dinosaurs were contemporaneous); otherwise the creationists will continue to criticize us, with considerable justification, for our arbitrariness and inconsistency in choosing which paranormal claims we will accept or tolerate and which we will attack (see Toumey 1994).

I am convinced that our collective failure to stake out a firm anthropological position on paranormal phenomena has compromised our intellectual integrity, weakened our public credibility, and hampered our political effectiveness. Carlos Castaneda was able to use his anthropological credentials to buttress the credibility (and the sales) of his paranormal fantasies, partly because, as far as the general public knew, the discipline of anthropology accepted the reality of hundred-foot gnats and astral projection (de Mille 1990). While it is true that most individual anthropologists rejected Castaneda’s paranormal claims, few did so publicly or effectively (Murray 1990). In fact, our discipline as a whole has a lamentable record when it comes to public responses to paranormal claims. There have been notable exceptions in archeology and biological anthropology, where a number of scholars have responded forcefully and well to the ancient astronaut and creationist myths (e.g., White 1974; Cole 1978; Rathje 1978; Cazeau and Scott 1979; Godfrey 1983; Stiebing 1984; Cole and Godfrey 1985; Harold and Eve 1987; Feder 1980, 1984, 1990), but cultural anthropologists have been remarkably remiss in responding to the myriad paranormal claims that fall within their domain (see Lett 1991).

Margaret Mead, for example, maintained a lifelong interest in paranormal phenomena and was an ardent champion of irrational beliefs (Gardner 1988). She was apparently persuaded that “some individuals have capacities for certain kinds of communications which we label telepathy and clairvoyance” (Mead 1977:48), even though the most casual scholarship would have revealed that that proposition has been decisively falsified (the evidence comes from more than a century of intensive research that has been thoroughly documented and widely disseminated-see Kurtz 1985; Druckman and Swets 1988; Hansel 1989; Alcock 1990). In 1969, Mead was influential in persuading the American Association for the Advancement of Science to accept the habitually pseudoscientific Parapsychological Association as a constituent member. In all of this, Mead used her considerable talents for popularization to promulgate nonsensical beliefs among the general public. However sincere and well-intentioned, her efforts were irresponsible, unprofessional, and unethical; worse still, they were not atypical of cultural anthropology. (See Note 6)

Even those anthropologists who do not share Mead’s gullibility have been notably reluctant to confront the truth about paranormal beliefs. Anthony Wallace, for example, in all likelihood thought he was being purely objective when he decided to avoid the “extremes of piety and iconoclasm” and to regard religion as “neither a path of truth nor a thicket of superstition” (Wallace 1966:5). In science, however, being objective does not entail being fair to everyone involved; instead, being objective entails being fair to the truth. The simple truth of the matter is that religion is a thicket of superstition, and if we have an ethical obligation to tell the truth, we have an ethical obligation to say so.

I find Wallace’s equivocation on the truth or falsity of religious beliefs to be particularly regrettable, because his Religion: An Anthropological View is one of the justly celebrated classics in the anthropology of religion. Wallace, of course, would not agree that his stance is anything less than fair and appropriate; indeed, he is very forthright in declaring and defending his value position. In the opening pages of his book, for example, he states that “although my own confidence has been given to science rather than to religion, I retain a sympathetic respect and even admiration for religious people and religious behavior” (Wallace 1966:vi).

I suspect that most anthropologists would be inclined to agree with Wallace. Eric Gans (1990:1), who has urged anthropologists to “demonstrate a far greater concern and respect for the form and content of religious experience,” is one who clearly shares Wallace’s sympathy for the religious temperament. Whether Wallace and Gans are justified in according religious people respect and admiration is a debatable question, however. No reasonable person would deny that religious people are entitled to their convictions, but an important distinction must be made between an individual’s right to his or her own opinion (which is always inalienable) and the rightness of that opinion (which is never unchallengeable). With that in mind, it could be argued that individuals who are led by ignorance or timidity to embrace incorrect opinions might deserve empathy and compassion, but they would hardly deserve respect and admiration. Respect and admiration, instead, should be reserved for individuals who exhibit dignity, courage, or nobility in response to the universal challenges of human life.

The philosopher Paul Kurtz (1983) articulates just such a position in a lengthy rebuttal to religious values entitled In Defense of Secular Humanism. From Kurtz’s point of view, religious people live in a world of illusion, unwilling to accept and face reality as it is. In order to maintain their beliefs, they must prostitute their intellectual integrity, denying the abundant contradictory evidence that constantly surrounds them. They exhibit an “immature and unhealthy attitude” that is “out of touch with cognitive reality” and that “has all the hallmarks of pathology” (Kurtz 1983:173). Religious people fail to exhibit the moral courage that is the foundation of a responsible approach to life.

The physicist Victor Stenger (1990) shares Kurtz’s disdain for religious commitment, and he is one of many skeptical rationalists in a variety of fields who do so. Religious people, Stenger argues, fail to accept responsibility for defining the meaning and conduct of their own lives; instead, they lazily and thoughtlessly embrace an inherited set of illogical wish-fulfillment fantasies. By refusing to fully utilize their quintessentially human attributes-the abilities to think, to wonder, to discover, to learn-religious people deny themselves the possibility of human dignity or nobility. It is only those with the courage to reject religious commitment, Stenger (1990:31-32) suggests, who deserve admiration; in his words, “those who have no need to deny the reality they see with their own eyes willingly trade an eternity of slavery to supernatural forces for a lifetime of freedom to think, to create, to be themselves.”

It would be disingenuous of me not to admit that I concur completely with Kurtz and Stenger. Nevertheless, my personal values regarding religion are entirely beside the point; I mention this only to point out the irony of our discipline’s frequent sympathy for religious commitment. In Western culture, the concept of religious “faith” has a generally positive connotation, but there is nothing positive about the reality masked by that obfuscatory term. “Faith” is nothing more than the willingness to reach an unreasonable conclusion-i.e., a conclusion that either lacks confirming evidence or one that contains disconfirming evidence. Willful ignorance, deliberate self-deception, and delusionary thinking are not admirable human attributes. Religion prejudicially regards faith as an exceptional virtue, but science properly recognizes it as a dangerous vice.

In the final analysis, however, it is irrelevant whether religious conviction deserves respect and admiration, as Wallace and Gans propose, or contempt and disdain, as I believe. My point instead is a very basic one: as scientists, we all have an ethical obligation to tell the truth, regardless of whether that truth is attractive or unattractive, diplomatic or undiplomatic, polite or impolite. As anthropologists, we have not been telling the truth about religion, and we should. The issue is just that simple.

Evolution of Consciousness

Posted on April 25th, 2007 in Rationality & Science, The Mind by Dr Rationalist

Even the simplest organisms, such as those consisting of but a single cell, interact with their environments. As metabolic systems in a balanced steady-state, all organisms must obtain nutrition from their surroundings. As they do not live in a vacuum, organisms are also in constant contact with the water or air around them, and they are also exposed to solar radiation and other electromagnetic and chemical influences. The long-term interaction between organisms and environmental stimuli resulted in development of various sensory systems for detecting the diverse external stimuli on which the organisms rely for food or which they must avoid as dangerous. In both cases, a sensory apparatus had to be developed which, via the interneurons , automatically provided signals to the motoric cells for inherent responses of flight or approach.

The Phylogenesis of Symbolic Information

It is necessary to recall these ancient interactions between organisms and their surroundings because they gave rise to the development of sensory systems appropriate for the physical stimuli. However, whereas environmental stimuli in the form of energy and food were ingested, the sensory apparatus evolved into organs which did not take in the stimulus itself, but rather received information about it. Only in plants do photoreceptors still serve as a source of energy. As the environment of multicellular organisms expanded, and stimuli to which organisms had to react in order to survive became more varied, the processes of trial-and-error and natural selection led to development of stimulus filters in the form of receptor systems which reacted only to combinations and sets of stimuli that were of importance to the organism. These combinations of stimuli relationships were embodied by a sensory apparatus capable of selecting stimuli according to certain categories, determined by biological factors. During development of sense qualities in the course of evolution, the formation of invariants played a key role, for recognition of food or predators under varied conditions of light and the surroundings was essential for survival. Therefore, it was advantageous to have a sensory apparatus capable of identifying stimuli by means of a filter consisting of signals generated by the apparatus itself. This mechanism, in turn, was capable of evolution.
Very early in the course of evolution, we encounter the colorful world of flowers, colors, sounds, shapes, and scents which grew out of the interactions between insects and their environments. The question as to whether bees respond only to certain electromagnetic wavelengths, that is, whether they react to physical stimuli or actually to certain colors, was resolved by von Frisch, whose experiments showed that they really do respond to the same colors, even under changing conditions of light and wavelength.

To be sure, neither color nor light nor other sense qualities really exist in the environment: They are products of the sensory apparatus, which selects them by means of its filter. The sense qualities perceived by insects and other invertebrates are projected by the sensory filter onto the physical stimulus. Thus, the latter serves as vehicle carrying symbolic information to the sensory system. The sensory filter serves both as the projector and the receiver of sense qualities. The sensory apparatus uses its own analyzers to process the stimulus signals in such a way that it responds only to certain colors or sound sequences.

With these filters and analyzers, the sensory systems “invented” an entirely new form of information: Instead of physical properties that cannot be transferred to sensory channels, a representation of them was selected and produced, namely, the filtered sense qualities. Such a representation is also referred to as a “symbol”; therefore, one may refer to sense qualities as elements or signs of symbolic information.

As implied by the aforementioned insect’s world of colors, sounds, and scents, the sensory filters of sense qualities not only filter, but also project sense qualities onto the environmental physical stimuli, which animals take up only through the “eyeglasses” of sensory qualities. In other words, insects take up their surroundings in a form they develop themselves. The symbolic information requires a material carrier. When a sense quality is projected onto a physical stimulus, the stimulus also becomes a carrier of sense qualities, so that in this guise they may be picked up and processed by the senses. Otherwise, it is difficult to conceive of how the colors, flowers, and scents in an insect’s world might have originated.

The entire visual world is based on this type of projection: The eyes, instead of picking up electromagnetic waves which a physical object has absorbed and assimilated, receive only waves which are reflected or deflected without having penetrated the physical object. Therefore, it is not the object itself which meets the eye, but only a projection of the waves the object failed to absorb.

The sensory filter, too, functions in a way similar to that in which vision is affected by eyeglasses, through which the surroundings may be perceived as distorted or sharp, red or dark. The filter evolved by interaction with the environment and natural selection. Even though stimuli passing the sensory filter take on properties of the latter, the sense qualities still are not states of the organism whose sensory systems interact with the stimulus to produce them. At this level, the symbolic information contained in sense qualities is the product of two material systems or mechanisms, namely, the environmental stimulus and the sensory apparatus. The information achieves an existence separate from that of the filter only in that the filter projects it onto the physical stimulus, which then becomes a carrier of information to the sensory apparatus. The symbolic information exists solely in a material carrier, which thus becomes an indispensible component. If the series of material carriers in the recoding chain, to be described below, is interrupted, the information is lost.

This preconscious origin of symbolic information in the interaction of the sensory system with environmental stimuli, of which the symbolic elements or signs are the sense qualities, is also a critical factor in the development of consciousness and its “language”. The highly developed mammalian brain with its cognitive apparatus or organs is capable of obtaining the information about the external surroundings needed for central control of behavior only in preexisting terms of the symbols of sense qualities. In other words, an organism does not have to reinvent symbolic information about physical properties of environmental stimuli from scratch. “Consciousness” becomes an unsolvable conundrum if its origin is attributed only to the neural network without regard to antecedent developments. The symbols of information, that is, the sense qualities, are not derived from the neural network, which communicates with nervous impulses and neuronal potentials and stores and encodes the information contained in patterns of neuronal excitation.

Neurons and neuronal patterns are not the information itself; rather, they merely convey information. Thus, symbolic information originates outside its carriers. The sources of information for the neuronal network are the sensory systems with their receptors. A neuronal network that is cut off from the sensory system is incapable of creating symbolic information in and of itself; even to obtain information about its own state of excitation, the nervous system requires a sensory apparatus. Without a sensory apparatus, the nervous system receives no symbolic information, either about events within itself or about outside stimuli. Actually, an organism is unaware of processes which transpire subconsciously and automatically. Many neuroscientists ignore this fact and attribute their expertise to the nervous system. Notwithstanding, the nervous system is unsurpassed as a storage unit and processor of signals it obtains from the sensory apparatus and as a carrier of information.

In invertebrates, the sensory apparatus is directly connected to effectors by way of interneurons. The sense qualities of signals elicited by stimuli are analyzed, then signals are transmitted directly to the motoric cells, which react to the signals with genetically determined patterns of motility.

Even invertebrates are capable of reinforcing the connections among heavily used pathways of excitation, and thus of learning, despite lack of cognition, within narrow limits. However, aside from genetically programmed sensory filter and analysis cells, invertebrates lack the ability to store newly acquired information, to be recalled for later use. The memory of invertebrates still consists of the variable strength of interneuronal synaptic connections.
The Development of Cortical Information Storage and the Neural Code

Organisms had to develop a cognitive apparatus in order to utilize information about the outer environment to adjust their activities, thus using learning processes to expand the less adaptable behavioral program established by the genes. A long period of development was necessary before organisms were able to store and analyze information in the cortical network and centralize their controls in the reticulo-thalamo-cortical system. Only the organisms equipped with such a system became capable of taking up symbolic information and storing it.
In the course of time and evolution, organisms developed a neural apparatus that enabled them not just to react to symbolic information, but to utilize the sense qualities as elements of an internal language. This internal language opened unlimited possibilities for new symbols designating objects and events, such as the human language.

This purpose was served by the neocortical network, among others, whose primary and secondary sensory areas represent the peripheral sensory receptory system in the cortex, and continue its functions of analysis and filtering in a more refined way. For example, the visual system in the occipital and temporal brain lobes comprises six different fields, V1 to V6, in which light differences, colors, orientation and movement as well as shape and contours of objects are analyzed separately in specialized fields and neuronal assemblies. This analysis of incoming signals from the receptor fields of sense organs is a continuation of the sensory system’s filtering function, by means of which the manifold sense qualities are selected before the act of seeing can take place. This subconscious analysis of cortical sensory fields, unlike the organization of the invertebrate brain, is not directly connected to motoric functions or effectors. The neural representations or cortical sensory detectors are the neural carrier or code for the sense qualities, which must be decoded into the original symbolic information in order to be invested with semantic meaning.
The Preattentive Phase

Preconscious, preattentive analysis precedes the first storage of information and conscious perception; it has a latency period of about 60 ms. The signals are transmitted to the sensory fields of the cortex by way of the lemniscate tract of the spinal cord, crossing two synapses. This process has been most precisely studied for the visual system.

During the preattentive orientation phase, the organism (more precisely, its central control system) and the stimulus excite primary arousal of the activation system itself and and the sensory fields. The body and its senses become aligned with the stimulus via the sensomotoric aminergic and cholinergic paths of the reticular brain stem, which probably releases the neurotransmitters noradrenaline, dopamine, serotonin and acetylcholine into the extracellular cortical fields, raising the excitation level of certain areas in preparation for uptake and processing of sensory signals. Furthermore, by way of branches of the sensory tracts to the reticular system, the stimulus induces a higher state of excitation in select groups of neurons. In the cerebral cortex, this leads to so-called expectation potentials, which increase gradually until the level of activation of the sensory areas becomes high enough to receive and process sensory signals. With a latency period of 70 to 500 ms, this preattentive preactivation phase then proceeds with the components N 100 to P 300 of the endogenous or exogenous event-related potentials to a state of conscious attention. During the preattentive phase, the subconscious transformation of sensory cells to sensory detectors by the sensory signals sets in, and the sensory neuronal groups must be primed for this function. Only after such preparation can the sensory apparatus be aligned with the stimulus and turned to it centrifugally, so that perception may occur. Experts still disagree about the latency period that elapses between the stimulation and conscious perception; in contrast to the 60 ms mentioned above, Libet found a latency of 500 ms. In any case, it is certain that more time elapses between stimulus and conscious perception than the signal needs to travel from the periphery to the cortex, even if it must cross two or three synapses. The brain needs this time in order to transform the signals into detectors and align them centrifugally with the stimulus.

During the preconscious sensory impression of the preattentive phase of perception, the sensory stimulus triggers the formation of detectors in the cortex. In other words, a neuron or group of neurons is attuned by signals of the sensory system to a certain sense quality, for which the cell or cell group may then function as a detector. Since this detector function is stored both by facilitation and in a pattern of excitation, it may be referred to as a code for and carrier of sense qualities.

Preattentive orientation proceeds subconsciously at the level of the nervous system. Not until sensory perception is attained can attention focus upon information as an object with which it can operate; only when this level is reached does preattention make the transition to the conscious attention of a cognitive system.
The Reticulo-Thalamo-Cortical System (= Activation System)

The task of the sensory system, which includes the sensory fields of the cortex, in the preattentive phase is to analyze stimuli, so that the sensory system can filter the stimuli and align the filtered sense qualities with the stimulus. Preattentive orientation precedes conscious sensation; it is the focussing, concentration, or strengthening of the excitation or activation of a neuronal field with sensomotoric functions. This activation of attention proceeds from the activating system and the nonspecific excitation which turns sensomotoric fields on and off, and involves activated groups of neurons in its functional unit. The relationship between the activation system and attention is so close that they are referred to as the attention system. Some of its manifold, reciprocal pathways of excitation extend from the brain stem across the limbic system to the prefrontal cortex; another path runs from the reticular system of the brain stem across the intralaminary or nonspecific thalamic nuclei to the upper layers and to layer VI of the cortical columns, which are joined by the lemniscate sensory tracts in layer IV (Newman/Baars 1993).

Since the activation system has been mentioned several times, a brief introduction to this neuroanatomic innovation in vertebrates is necessary. As recently as 1949, G. Moruzzi and H. W. Magoun discovered in the brain stem a structure apparently devoid of specific sensory or motoric function, which was the reason why it had been overlooked for so long. However, the role it plays is a crucial one. Gradually it became evident that this structure serves as a central activating system that both monitors and regulates the level of excitation of the entire organism. It is conjoined with the limbic system, and through it with the autonomic nervous system and the hypothalamus to form a functional unit extending to the nonspecific and intralaminary thalamic nuclei and communicating via two tracts with cortical structures, especially the limbic prefrontal brain. The activating system contains its own nonspecific excitation tracts, by way of which it monitors and regulates not only itself, but also sensory and motoric functions. Because of its preeminence and the control function it exerts, it is a sort of metasystem within the central nervous system.

The attention system is served by neurons in the parietal, temporal, and frontal cortex as well as in the region of the supplementary motoric areas in field 6; the best-known example is the frontal visual field. In the immediate vicinity of these sensory fields with attention functions are the sensory hand-arm field and the like, all of which serve to align the body and sensory systems to the stimulus. There are several visual fields (prefrontal, supplementary, and parietal fields); the same is true of the other sensory systems. There are also several hand-arm fields in the immediate vicinity of the visual fields. This proximity suggests a coupling of eye-hand-arm control by the activation system. The premotoric cells of the hand-arm field (the anterior part of field 6) discharge during intentional hand movements, such as conscious grasping and when the mouth is used for similar intentional movements. The neurons also fired even if the ipsilateral arm or the mouth was used, indicating that the neurons do not reflect muscular activity; as further evidence, when the muscles were used for motoric actions, the neurons remained silent. Stimulation of the arm-hand fields elicited coordinated, stereotypic movements of the contralateral arm. These fields of selective attention serve to align the body and senses toward the stimulus (G. M. Edelman et al. 1990). These and the observations described above support the notion that the activation system has a whole roster of secondary sensomotoric fields at its disposal for vision, hearing, etc., distributed all over the cortex, when exercising its function of sensomotoric attention and coordination. The process of sensory perception and awareness begins in such secondary fields, which are subordinated to the metasystem. By way of these cortical fields, which are connected to the superior colliculi and the reticular nuclei of the brain stem, muscles of the sensory receptors are aligned toward the stimulus and adjusted so as to be able to follow the moving stimulus. This has been studied in detail for visual processes (Ch. J. Bruce 1990). The next question is how visual processes become seeing, and how other senses elicit conscious awareness and perception.

The development of symbolic information was possible only in organisms with some degree of central concentration of drive and behavior in the reticulo-thalamo-cortical activating system to make them capable of activity.

The contention that the activating system truly participates in conscious sensory perception and recognition, memory, and imagination is supported by several uncontroversial findings:

If the nonspecific impulses between the intralaminary thalamic nuclei and the cortical sensory fields are blocked, consciousness is lost; the same thing also happens when the reticular system of the brain stem and the nonspecific thalamic nuclei are completely interrupted.

If the collaterals, i.e., the branches, of the sensory tract to the reticular nuclei of the mammalian brain stem is interrupted, the animal ceases to react to stimuli, although signals still reach the intact cortex, where they can be detected (D. B. Lindsay 1957).

If the reticular system of the midbrain is severed, the decerebrated animals lose the capability of attentive, conscious, centrally regulated behavior (S. Grillner 1990).

The prerequisite for conscious behavior in humans is simultaneous activation of the cortical columns of the sensory fields, i.e., of the upper layers or of layer VI by the nonspecific excitation of the activating system, and of layer IV by specific sensory excitation. If any one of these tracts is interrupted, conscious perception ceases (J. Newman and B. J. Baars 1993).
Therefore, conscious behavior evidently results from the synchronous interaction of two systems, namely, the reticulo-thalamo-cortical activating system (also referred to as the metasystem) and the specific sensomotoric system.

Most neurophysiologists concerned with explaining consciousness now recognize the role of the reticular activation system in conscious processes of attention, sensory perception, and memory. However, instead of explaining how the neural network and its processes elicit conscious behavior, Edelman, Crick and many others offer masterly descriptions of the neural events that accompany conscious behavior. These descriptions are still within the confines of psychophysical parallelism, which lacks appropriate categories to which the role of the reticulo-thalamo-cortical activation system, for example, may be assigned within the more comprehensive system of the organism of the whole. Such descriptions and analyses remain at the level of the neuronal network and its processes, which run in parallel to conscious processes. In other words, it is not enough to verify with psychophysical parallelism the existence of synchronous interaction between nonspecific activation system and the specific sensory system during conscious behavior. It is essential to demonstrate the active regulatory and monitoring functions exercised by the reticulo-thalamo-cortical sensory fields on specific sensory apparatus, including the cortical sensory fields involved in conscious processes (e.g., feeling, perception, memory, etc.), in order to supercede the level of psychophysical parallelism, since these systemic properties overstep the limitations imposed by the properties of the neuronal network.

Without Interaction with the External Stimulus, the Neural Code Cannot Be Deciphered

Although the preattentive sensory impression that precedes conscious perception and serves in formation of cortical sensory detectors and neuronal carriers of information by analyzing input signals in the various sensory fields has frequently been studied, documented, and proven by neuropsychologists and neurophysiolgists, the significance of this event has largely escaped attention. Nevertheless, the explanatory model for perception presented here stipulates preattentive analysis of stimuli before the activating system is able to align the sensory system with its appropriately attuned filters centrifugally toward the stimulus, from which it may decode the sense qualities. Many reputable researchers believe that the sensory fields of the cortex not only represent the indispensable analyzers of the stimulus signals, but go beyond that to actually generate sense qualities, for example, the categories of color in the visual system. In support of this notion, they refer to the observation that malfunction of the sensory fields causes the corresponding sense qualities to disappear. This observation, of course, is unquestioned, but the interpretation is subject to doubt; for although the cortical analyzer may be an indispensable prerequisite for sensory perception, it is not the only one. The sensory system, with its cortical sensory detectors attuned to the stimulus, still must be aligned with the physical stimulus in order to decode the sense qualities. Sensory qualities are generated and perceived by the system as a whole only when the physical stimulus meets the detector and information carrier attuned to it in a feedback excitation circuit.

In contrast, S. Zeki, among others, attribute to the sensory fields of the cortex the ability to generate various sense qualities such as light, color, tonality, and scent (”transforming the signals reaching it to generate constructs that are the property of the brain, not of the world outside, and thus in a sense labeling the unlabeled features of the world in its own code”). Naturally, this would be the simplest explanation; but it is refuted by the fact that people born blind or deaf cannot be made to see or hear by electrical stimulation of their intact sensory fields. In other words, it is not enough for stimulus signals to simply arrive at the sensory fields of the brain, be analyzed there, and be transformed into detectors of selected sense qualities by the cortical filters. In addition, the sensory detectors and neural carriers of informaiton thus produced must be confronted with the stimulus, which must be present if the sensory system with its adjusted filters is to extract the sense qualities from the physical stimulus. This applies, of course, only to the elementary, nonspatial sense qualities.

When the sensory system and the reticular activation system report a stimulus and simultaneously activate the corresponding cortical sensory detector, the activation system directs aligns the cortical detector and its sensory system toward the stimulus. Corticofugal influences modulating the afferent impulses from the periphery have been reported in a number of publications (G. D. Dawson 1958; K. E. Hagbarth and D. J. B. Kerr 1954; G. E. Mangun and S. A. Hillyard 1990, pp. 271 ff.). This control center of centrifugal excitation involves the following events: The sensory system permits the stimulus to appear only through its filter, that is, the sensory system understands only its own projection of the stimulus, namely, the sense qualities it generates itself. However, these are not arbitrary products of the brain, as some presume. The symbolic information, that is, the sense qualities, can be generated by the sensory system only if the the physical stimulus is actually present to interact with it. Symbols invented by the brain would be self-contradictory, for they would represent no other physical reality. As already mentioned, electrical stimulation of cortical sensory cells fails to elicit perception of the respective sense qualities in persons born blind or deaf, even if their cortical sensory fields are intact. However, if the organism has already had such sensory experience, e.g., once seen colors or heard sounds, these experiences can be elicited again by electrical stimulation of the cortical storage, as experiments by Penfield, Libet, and others have shown. The initial sensory experience must therefore be gathered in the confrontation and interaction of the sensory system with stimuli from the outside world. This also applies to the so-called internal stimuli of the limbic system, which must first make a detour through interoceptive tracts of the peripheral or autonomic nervous system before they can be felt and perceived as sense qualities by the cortical detectors.

In addition to this evidence, several other observations also contradict the view that stimulus signals are transformed into sense qualities by the brain alone. Finnish researchers found the primary visual field of the cortex in blind people to be utilized by the sense of hearing. “In the deaf, the areas of the temporal lobe in which sounds are normally processed are used instead for processing visual information” (R. Ornstein, R. F. Thompson). In Paris, Michel Imbert and Chr. Matin of Pierre et Marie Curie University interrupted the neural tracts connecting the thalamus (lateral geniculate body) and the visual cortex in a newborn hamster, since in these mammals the brain development is not yet complete at birth. The visual nerves were then attached to the somatosensory tracts, which had been likewise been cut, so that visual signals were sent to the somatosensory fields of the parietal cortex. After the animal recovered, the researchers were able to derive visual signals from the parietal field; the visual behavior of the hamster did not differ from that of normal animals.

These experiments clearly indicate that light, color, sound, and other sense qualities cannot be generated solely by the sensory fields of the cortex. The properties of analysis and filtering in the cortical fields are developed by interaction with peripheral sensory receptors by way of connections between the receptor fields and the cortical representations. Actual deployment of the filter function of the sensory system is possible only with an external stimulus, and the filter can switch to a generator of sense qualities only by interacting with this complementary part.

The Mechanisms of Generating Information

The symbolic information is generated by the interaction of two material systems, namely, the physical stimulus and the sensory system. In the course of evolution, they have become assimilated and adapted to each other and developed two complementary systems: both the physical properties of stimulation that must enter the receptor system and the filters of the sensory systems are adjusted to each other. The sense qualities emerge as products of the interaction between the physical stimulus and the sensory system. When sense qualities are projected onto the physical stimulus, the latter becomes their carrier, for symbolic information needs a material carrier. The sensory system reads or scans the carrier in order to obtain symbolic information generated within itself.
In mammals, the preconscious generation and transmission of information has been transmuted in that the sensory system is now part of an organism capable of self-regulating behavior. After preconscious adjustment to the stimulus, the central neural governor once again confronts the sensory system with the stimulus, but this time as an organ of attention under the control of the organism’s central regulatory system, i.e., the activating system.

The condition of the sense qualities in the carrier of the physical stimulus is also the only decoded condition of the sense qualities to which the brain, by way of the senses it controls, has direct access to sensation and perception. Without these sensory events, the brain fails to perceive any decoded sense qualities, and without perception of sense qualities there can be no psychological or mental world; that is, there is no differentiation between subject and object until sense qualities are perceived. The self-generated conditions of the sense qualities are hidden from the brain or kept at an unconscious level until they confront the sensory system in a physical information carrier as an external object, rendering them accessible. This is made possible, as it were, by a trick of evolution, which has unlimited inventiveness: The same sensory filters that permit the sensory system both to project sense qualities onto the physical stimulus and to utilize the stimulus as its carrier of information also read and perceive the self-generated sense qualities from it, because they fit it like lock and key.

The sensory receptors and the sensory filters are not the only ones having a lock-and-key mechanism consisting of their self-generated sense qualities projected onto the physical stimulus; the cortical sensory detectors, too, are attuned to the sense qualities projected onto the physical stimulus as a key to a lock. The cortical detectors and the sensory filters are complementary systems, and form a functional unit themselves. For the transmission of symbolic information from the outside into the brain, evolutionary processes have led to a chain of complementary systems, along which symbolic information is transmitted and recoded from one level to the next higher one, without ever losing the material carrier, even temporarily. Sensory receptors and cortical sensory detectors are examples of such complementary systems, across which the same symbolic information in the decoded state is transmitted from the physical carrier to its neural code in the cortex. Since the complementarity or tuning between the peripheral receptor and the cortical detector systems is determined during embryonic development and in the subsequent period of learning, the simplest neural frequency code of all is sufficient: on or off, excited or inhibited. If complementary systems are activated, they are tuned in to each other, related to each other, or self-referent.

In principle, sensation is decoded when the central neural metasystem utilizes the nonspecific activation to align the sensory detector and the sensory system to the stimulus. Upon meeting it, the detector “recognizes” the physical information carrier by means of the tuned-in sense qualities, because they fit together. The long-established lock-and-key mechanism lives on in a more advanced form in this process of recognition, which is reminiscent of recognition of a receptor by a ligand. The information is transmitted by its original carrier, the physical stimulus, to the neural carrier, the detector, by way of an activity circuit with manifold feedback between the peripheral sensory receptors and the cortical sensory detectors.

The stimulus instigates a periodic process. “An optical or acoustical stimulus leads to periodic discharges in the addressed nerve cells”, wrote E. Pöppel. These discharges occur at intervals of about 30 ms, as shown by electroencephalography. Their periodicity enables the cortical structures to analyze the incoming signals, while once again aligning the sensory organ (e.g., the eye) to the physical stimulus, all at the same time. The centripetal and centrifugal excitation of sensation forms the feedback loop, already referred to several times, between the peripheral and cortical systems, and establishes synchronous peripheral decoding and its cortical representations.

There is a way to obtain scientific evidence that the neural processes under study actually do involve transmission and processing of sense qualities. It is based not on introspective experiences, but rather on verifiable data, in a sense, meta-data. To mention a few:

Conscious processes of sensation require that both the system of activation and specific sensory systems are simultaneously operative and interacting.
During the preattentive phase preceding conscious sensation, the cortical sensory detector is formed by an unconscious sensory impression. Without a sensory detector, no perception or experience occurs.
Attention structures in the parietal, prefrontal, and temporal associational cortexes aligns the sensory systems centrifugally to sense qualities of the stimulus, which are attuned to the detector.
Sense qualities are not immediately retrievable from the brain without previously having been read or scanned by the sensory organ from the physical stimulus.

On the other hand, sensory perception without intact cortical representation is impossible (cf. “Blind Vision”).
Sensory perception occurs between the periphery and the cortex in a centripetal and centrifugal multiple feedback loop, in which specific and nonspecific impulses are also simultaneously dovetailed at different levels.
These and other data give us some knowledge of events of sensation, attention, and other conscious processes. At the same time, they permit us to draw inferences about processes which we cannot observe directly, but which are prerequisites for observable processes. Data of this nature are provided by experimental cognitive psychology.
Evolution developed the solution to a problem that network theoreticians have been working on without success to date. However, the point of departure for evolution was not a mechanical network, but rather an organism with a central activation system. One must find the activity of an organism capable of self-regulating behavior behind the feedback excitation loops of sensation in order to understand what actually transpires with these feedback signals of the nervous system. The origin of symbolic information in the interaction between physical stimulus and sensory system as well as the developmental stages leading to perception of these sense qualities by the attention of a mammal can be traced step by step (Hernegger 1995).

Decoding the Neural Code in Sensation

The neural network is a highly organized, complex system of nerve cells that can be broken down all the way to the level of its molecular components for study. The nerve cells have no “inner life”, either individually nor as a group; they are capable neither of sensation nor of feeling. First, the activating system must align and prepare the sensory system and the cortical sensory detectors with the environmental stimulus before they can receive and process the sense qualities. Under the guidance and control by the activation system, the sensory apparatus, including the cortical sensory fields, is transformed to its organ of cognition. The transformation is initiated by the prior cortical analysis of signals from the peripheral receptor and the concomitant formation of a cortical sensory detector; the organ of recognition of the activation system can perceive external stimuli through its complementary filter only in the form of sense qualities, for the filter is now also the receptor of the sense qualities it generates itself.

But how does a perceived sense quality become an object of attention of the activation system?

Here, too, the importance and irreplaceability of the cortical sensory detectors is evident, even if it were only because of preattentive sensory impression represented by the neural code, which is later decoded by way of an excitatory feedback circuit with the perceived sense qualities. In this way, the neural carriers of information in the cortex are given the semantic meanings for the organism’s central controlling system, which can now direct its attention, that is, its nonspecific excitation, to the cortical sensory representations or include and incorporate the excitation patterns of the decoded sense qualities into its own system. The activation system is actually capable of including neural structures in its functional unit and releasing them again. The inclusion of the sensory apparatus in such a functional unit transforms the sensory apparatus into an organ of perception of the activation system, the representation of the organism as a whole.

Before sensation occurs, the unconscious, preattentive sensory impression involves formation of a cortical representation or sensory detector of sense qualities in the neural code of the nervous system. This code must be decoded for the information to become an object of attention.

Once they have been tuned in to the stimulus, the sensory systems, regulated by the central system of attention, are aimed outward at the stimulus, in order to decode the neural representations or the neural code of the cortex by sensation or perception of sense qualities upon meeting the stimulus. Decoding means transforming one code into another one, or into a “language” which the recipient can “understand”.

The recipient capable of “understanding” the language of sense qualities is not the isolated nervous system, in whose code the information is already stored, but rather the whole organism. Initially, although the sensory systems were directed toward the external environment, the organism was unable to sense, perceive, nor recognize anything, for lack of corresponding internal conditions, but was only capable of picking up symbolic information from outside of the central nervous system. For this purpose, it became necessary to transform the sensory system and the sensory cortex into an organ of recognition.

Decoding occurs via the feedback excitation circuit between the sensory receptor and the cortical detector. While the stimulus signals are sent inside to the brain, the brain directs the eye or ear (the sensory receptors) to the outside. By way of the reticular excitation pathways, however, the limbic-autonomic and the peripheral nervous systems, i.e., the entire organism, is involved in this process of sensation, perception and recognition, especially since somatosensory perception is involved in every other sensation. In sensory perception, feedback occurs between the organism and the nervous system by way of these complicated loops, and not only within the neural network, as contended by Edelman and most neuroscientists who are trying to find an explanation for consciousness. For this reason, the conditions with which the organism responds to sensory perception involve not only the nervous system, but the organism in its entirety. The two spheres are integrated by the feedback loops, however. Thus the organism is the receiver, for which the neural code must be decoded.

Sensation is reported to the corresponding cortical sensory fields via two separate pathways. The sensory signals reach the brain by way of a tract from the spinal cord. In the brain stem, collaterals branch off to various reticular nuclei of the activation system. The specific sensory tracts proceed further across specific relaying nuclei in the thalamus to the sensory fields of the cortex, but the nonspecific excitation in the reticular system of the brain stem divides into several paths. One such path leads to the part of the forebrain known as the limbic cortex, and another runs parallel to it through the nonspecific intralaminary thalamic nuclei to the same columns of the cortical sensory fields as the specific tracts, but in the upper layers (usually I and II) or in layer VI of the columns, whereas the specific tract has as its goal cells in layer IV of the same column. Feedback loops between the periphery and the cortex and between specific and nonspecific excitations synchronize these events.

The feedback excitation circuit of sensation or sensory perception occurs as long and as often as necessary until a firm linkage between the peripheral picking-up of sense qualities and their cortical representations has been developed. It is now known that short-term memory enters a long-term linkage by way of the hippocampal system. However, this association must be continually renewed, either by the same sensory experience or by dreaming (the REM phase of sleep). Complete sensory deprivation causes the brain to create hallucinations, during which, as in dreams, stored patterns are endogenously activated in the absence of a corresponding external stimulus.

The nonspecific neural patterns of long-term memory, which are complementary to the specific patterns, store the attention conditions of the activation system with which the organism perceived the decoding of the sense qualities. These conditions must be renewed again and again by practice and linked to the neural code.

With every new experience there is a tendency to disassociate the sense qualities from the environmental stimulus, to make it an autonomous, operant “coin” for the central controlling system. Parallel to this disassociation from the external stimulus, a linkage develops between the decoded sense qualities and their neural code or representations. Every sensation is a transfer of the symbolic information from the outside or from the periphery to neural representations by way of a pattern of connections, which finally form cortical excitation patterns.

Transformation of the Code of Symbolic Information

Before organisms equipped with sensory systems appeared, the lock-and-key mechanism was the code enabling information to be passed on. In the genes, in the immune system, and in transmission across synapses, this lock-and-key mechanism between ligand and receptor molecule is still to be found.
With the advent of sensory systems in organisms, a completely new kind of information coding cropped up, namely, symbolic information defined from the outset. The transition from an information filter to self-generated, detached information in the form of sense qualities was a fairly complicated process, especially since sense qualities cannot exist without a material carrier. First, for the neural network, the symbolic information contained in the sense qualities was translated into the neural code of nerve impulses and stored as a pattern of excitation of neuron groups. Then the central activating or attention system of the organism had to retranslate the neural code into sensory perception and associate the sense qualities decoded in this way with their cortical representations or carriers.

In the transformation of sense qualities to an object of an activating or attention system, somatosensory perception plays a critical part; it either precedes all sensation and perception, or transpires parallel to it. The body of the organism itself is represented severalfold in the parietal cortex (in areas 1, 2, 3, 5, and 7), and receives stimulus signals from the entire body surface, as well as from joints and muscles, by way of somatosensory senses; these exteroceptive somatic senses are supplemented by the interoceptive senses from the peripheral and autonomic nervous systems. This somatic sense, which is coupled by feedback with the motoric and activation systems, is crucial to the development of consciousness, for the self-reference of the periphery and the cortical equivalents by way of feedback between somatomotoric and somatosensory systems is the framework of all other sensations andperceptions. In other words, once this storing of experience of the body itself begins in the fashion described, it is continually renewed and elaborated. These somatosensory qualities derived from one’s own body become the first “language elements” of the brain. They are simultaneously a state of the body and an object of attention, i.e., the somatosensory qualities are experiences of bodily conditions. The states of the body itself were able to become the object of attention only by being perceived in the way we know as symbolic information about the physical properties of stimuli impinging on the body. These somatosensory sensations are unique, because they can take place even without involvement of other sensations; the condition of one’s own body can be perceived only as symbolic information. In other words, only symbolic information contained in somatosensory qualities can be an object of attention and perceived; somatosensoryqualities represent physical and energetic events within the body. In this fashion, an infinite series or infinite regression of conditions is prevented. The initial sensory perception cannot draw upon another condition, sensation, or feeling; it is actually the initiation of a process from which and in which conscious perception originates and happens. The organism perceives its own condition by way of symbolic information of somatosensory qualities as an object of its own attention.

Each sensation and perception can happen only by way of symbolic information of sense qualities, for there is no other way to become an object of attention or sensory cognition. It is naive and unreflected to attribute to the nervous system the ability to directly experience its processes and conditions. Only symbolic information can become an object of attention at which the sensory or cognitive systems are aimed. The only properties of physical events or objects which can be perceived are those which can be transformed into sense qualities. Consciousness and cognition have their wellsprings in this object formation.

Somatosensory perception proceeds along reciprocal pathways of the nonspecific mediodorsal thalamic nucleus to the somatic fields of the parietal cortex, among others. The somatosensory perceptions are connected in a special way, directly and inseparably, with the excitation of the activating system. Self-referring somatosensory decoding is the prerequisite for any subjective experience and the states it entails, for in this case the roles of sense qualities as objects and as states coincide in the decoded sense quality; with somatosensory perception, the organism also has an object of its attention, but the object is a condition of its own body. For this reason, in this context we speak of self-reference. The dual nature of decoded sense qualities as an object and as a state of the attention system may be explained by assuming that the activating system regards the decoded sense qualities as an object of attention, and incorporates it into its own system by way of nonspecific excitation; alternatively, the activation system may extends to include the cortical structures serving as sensory representations. The basis for this contention is the already mentioned fact that sensory qualities do not reach a conscious level until the excitation of the specific sensory systems and the nonspecific activation system unite to produce a state of common, synchronous excitation.

The perception of sense qualities happens via the previously described excitation loops in various patterns of excitation in the sensory fields and the prefrontal, parietal, and temporal, as well as the subcortical, reticular, and limbic-autonomic components of the activating system. The organism, which articulates itself in these patterns of excitation, is both carrier and object of the perception; its activating system is its organ by means of which the cortical structures of attention are steered toward the decoding process or to reactivate stored representations.

The organism, which distributes its nonspecific excitation to various cortical regulatory structures, is therefore what senses, perceives and feels. If the excitation of the activation system is turned off, the organism ceases to perceive anything. In this way, the organism, or its activating system, is in a state influenced by the process of sensation; this state is not consciously perceived as such, for only its products and the object it is attuned to, i.e., the perceived sense qualities, reach the level of consciousness. However, those sense qualities include somatosensory and interoceptory perceptions, including bodily states and the autonomic nervous system. The reference to this state of the organism, which is the foundation of conscious perception, is important for understanding the reactivation of memory; for it has been postulated that the program for reawakening of consciousness is coded in the nonspecific stores. The same condition enables the organism to perceive the decoded sense qualities as the object of its attention.

Before consciousness came into being, there were neither sensations nor feelings, perceptions of sense qualities, nor imagination. Nor was the brain able to generate these psychic events all by itself, so its only option was to take up information from the outside or from the environment and convert it to self-generated sense qualities. The road to conscious perception and cognition led from the filter of the sensory systems through the neural code of the brain to its decoding, based on the interaction of several complementary systems. The nonspatial sense qualities themselves are the elements out of which spatial forms, movements, and orientation of the body are constructed. The information symbol of the nonspatial properties bears no resemblance to the information carrier or the code, which is often a carrier of information as well. However, the brain’s code for space and time properties retains a spatio-temporal similarity, a quasi-isomorphism with the spatial stimulus properties. Several nerve structures in the peripheral receptor, in the thalamus, and in the sensory fields of the cortex serve to analyze it. And these spatial secondary sense qualities are the elements for objects, classes of objects, and entire categories.

With this inexhaustible reservoir of symbolic information, the human brain was now able to creatively construct new mental worlds. The potential combinations possibilities of the elements of symbolic information, i.e., the sense qualities, are just as inexhaustible as the sounds of human speech. As a matter of fact, sense qualities and human language share the same line of development.

Let me recapitulate the critical stages in development toward consciousness:

  1. The origin of the development was the sensory system with filters for sense qualities, the elements of symbolic information.
  2. The sensory system changed with the development of the cortical network and the central driving or activation system, and became a centrally regulated organ.
  3. Every new perception is preceded by a preattentive sensory impression for unconscious analysis of the stimulus signals, resulting in formation of a sensory detector before perception. In the second, conscious phase of sensory perception, the sensory system can therefore be aimed outward and selectively, its filters already tuned in, toward the environmental stimulus. The filters match the sense qualities as a key matches its lock or a template its matrix. The sense qualities gathered in this way are the decoding of the neural code in the cortex. The peripheral process is connected to the sensory target neurons in the cortex by way of a feedback excitation circuit, forming a unit. The long-term connection between the neural code and its decoded sense qualities is established by learning.
  4. The symbolic information, or sense qualities, thus become an object of central attention. This object formation is the origin of cognition and consciousness.

The mere description of the neurophysiological substrate of sensation and perception, however comprehensive and detailed, can do no more than relate the observable events that accompany the process of conscious perception. The widely-held notion of psychophysical parallelism is satisfied to describe the correlation or parallelism between physical (i.e., neurophysiological) and psychic (i.e., conscious, phenomenal) events, without offering an explanation of how conscious behavior came into being from these neurobiological prerequisites. The neobehaviorists tend to consider the description of the physical, neurobiological events sufficient to explain them. In order to understand what goes on in neurophysiological processes, it was necessary to regard them in a more comprehensive framework of relationships and interactions, in which the central nervous system wass not treated as if it were an isolated, autonomic entity, separate and isolated from the organism.

We have replaced psychophysical parallelism, which for a century has amassed an incalculably rich collection of observations and data, by a different model that attempts to explain the interaction of various components not reducible to each other, i.e., symbolic information and the nervous system. In our model, the observations of psychophysical parallelism have a new importance and another interpretation; the temporal correlations of inseparable events are now regarded as interactions and interdependencies of systems that generate new products and new systemic properties. The process of sensory perception can be described separately from the standpoints of sensory physiology and perception psychology, and both descriptions are correct. Nevertheless, the same sensory perception can be described, as here, under the assumption that the other two are an information process in a dynamic cybernetic system. All three descriptions are justified, but they answer different questions.

The description presented here does not merely draw upon results of neurophysiological and psychological research; it also integrates them by studying system levels within the organism and how they relate to one another. E. Pöppel formulated this systemic approach as a question: “How do individual system levels in biological systems come into being? How does something higher develop from a lower level?”

Conscious behavior has many facets, and can be defined in quite various ways. On the one hand, it is not an independent being hovering outside the body and transcending the nervous system. On the other hand, in contradiction to the so-called identity theory, it cannot be identical with the nervous system, for the first thing to become conscious is symbolic information about the external world, impinging from the outside and not generated by the nervous system alone.

The process of conscious behavior thus always involves two irreducible elements: a) the recognizing organism, and b) the recognized information, in which, in turn, information about the physical properties of the external stimulus must be differentiated from the self-generated symbol (i.e., the sense quality), by means of which the information is received by the sensory system. The symbolic information therefore goes beyond the neural process and is not reducible to it. The sensory apparatus and the sensomotoric cortex develop increasingly into organs of transmission, analysis, processing, and storage of this symbolic information, which it translates from one code into another during transmission from the peripheral sensory receptor to the cortical network, where finally the cortical representations are decoded into the original language. The symbolic information is what remains; it must not be confused or identified with the nervous system that transmits, processes and encodes it.

The sense qualities have not ceased to fascinate modern thinkers since John Locke (1632±1704). Immanuel Kant (1724±1804) regarded them as subjective forms in which we see things, and which rather tend to interfere with seeing “the things themselves”. In that era, the notion of information was hardly important, but Shannon’s concept of information turned out to be unsuitable in all attempts to apply it to consciousness. It was another train of thought in modern times, embodied by E. Cassirer’s “philosophy of symbolic forms”, Karl Bühler’s “theory of speech”, or Susanne K. Langer’s “symbol in thought, rites, and art”, to name but a few, that paved the way for the notion of symbolic information. This notion probably had little or no influence on Shannon and Weaver as they developed their theory of information. Regarding sense qualities as elements of symbolic information about the physical properties of environmental stimuli opens entirely new perspectives and possible explanations for consciousness research. In this sense, consciousness research is part of the basic science of language theory, linking the origin of human language to phylogenetic development. Conversely, consciousness research profits from the methods and categories of language research, as long as the common fallacy of coupling consciousness with the origin of human speech is avoided, i.e., confusing cause and effect. It is not inconceivable that Shannon’s concept of information and the development of mathematical formalism in theory of information that followed may also be applicable to symbolic information, permitting it to be quantified. Notwithstanding, such quantifying of information should not be confused with a mathematical model explaining consciousness; we are still far away from that.

 

References:

  1. Bruce, C. J.: Integration of sensory and motor signals in primate frontal eye fields. In: G. M. Edelman et al. (eds.) 1990, pp. 261±313.
  2. Buser, P. A., E. Rougel-Buser (eds.): Cerebral Correlates of Conscious Experience. North Holland Publ., Amsterdam 1978.
  3. Dawson, G. D.: The central control of sensory inflow. Proc. Roy. Soc. Med., London 51 (5), 531±535 (1958).
  4. Edelman, G. M., W. Einar Gall, W. M. Cowan (eds.): Signal and Sense. Local and Global Order in Perceptual Maps. Wiley, New York 1990.
  5. Grillner, S.: Neurobiology of vertebrate motor behavior. From flexion reflexes and locomotion to manipulative movements. In: G. M. Edelman et al. (eds.) 1990, pp. 187±208.
  6. Hagbarth, K. E., D. J. B. Kerr: Central influences on spinal afferent conduction. J. Neurophysiol. 17 (3), 295±297 (1954).
  7. Hassler, R.: Interaction of reticular activating system for vigilance and the corticothalamic and pallidal systems for directing awareness and attention under striatal control. In: Buser et al. (eds.) 1978.
  8. Hernegger, R.: Wahrnehmung und Bewußtsein. Ein Diskussionsbeitrag zu den Neurowissenschaften. Spektrum Akademischer Verlag, Berlin±Heidelberg±Oxford 1995.
  9. Hobson, J. A., M. Steriade: Neuronal basis of behavioral state control. In: Mountcastle, V. B., F. E. Bloom (eds.): Handbook of Physiology. The Nervous System, Vol. IV, pp. 701±825. American Physiological Society, Bethesda 1986.
  10. LeDoux, J. E.: Emotional networks in the brain. In: Lewis, M., J. M. Haviland (eds.): Handbook of Emotions. Guildford Press, New York 1993.
  11. Lindsley, D. B.: Psychophysiology and motivation. In: Jones, M. R. (ed.): Nebraska Symposium on Motivation, Vol. 5. University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln 1957.
  12. Mangun, G. E., S. A. Hillyard, in: Scheibel, A. B., A. F. Wechsler (eds.): Neurobiology of Higher Cognitive Function. Guildford Press, New York 1990.
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  14. Newman, J., B. J. Baars: A neural attentional model for access to consciousness: a global workspace perspective. Conceptions in Neuroscience 4 (2) 255±290 (1993).
  15. Ornstein, R., R. F. Thompson: The Amazing Brain. Boston 1984.
  16. Pöppel, E., A. L. Edinghaus: Geheimnisvoller Kosmos Gehirn. München 1994.
  17. Scheibel, A. B.: The brain stem reticular core and sensory function. In: Handbook of Physiology. The Nervous System, Vol. III,1. American Physiological Society, Bethesda 1984.
  18. Scheibel, A. B., A. F. Wechsler (eds.): Neurobiology of Higher Cognitive Function. Guildford Press, New York 1990.
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R. Hernegger, Change of Paradigms in Consciousness Research: On the Evolution of Consciousness

Mind & Brain

Posted on April 24th, 2007 in Rationality & Science, The Mind by Dr Rationalist

We all believe that we have minds – and that minds, whatever they may be, are not like other worldly things. What makes us think that thoughts are made of different stuff? Because, it seems, thoughts can’t be things; they have no weights or sounds or shapes, and cannot be touched or heard or seen. In order to explain all this, most thinkers of the past believed that feelings, concepts, and ideas must exist in a separate mental world. But this raises too many questions. What links our concept about, say, a cat with an actual cat in the physical world? How does a cause in either world affect what takes place in the other world? In the physical world we make new things by rearranging other things; is that how new ideas come to be, or were they somewhere all along? Are minds peculiar entities, possessed alone by brains like ours – or could such qualities be shared, to different degrees, by everything? It seems to me that the dual-world scheme creates a maze of mysteries that leads to problems worse than before.

We’ve heard a good deal of discussion about the idea that the brain is the bridge between those worlds. At first this seems appealing but it soon leads to yet worse problems in philosophy. I maintain that all the trouble stems from making a single great mistake. Brains and minds are not different at all; they do not exist in separate worlds; they are simply different points of view–ways of describing the very same things. Once we see how this is so, that famous problem of mind and brain will scarcely seem a problem at all, because …

Minds are simply what brains do.

I don’t mean to say that brains or minds are simple; brains are immensely complex machines-and so are what they do. I merely mean to say that the nature of their relationship is simple. Whenever we speak about a mind, we’re referring to the processes that move our brains from state to state. Naturally, we cannot expect to find any compact description to cover every detail of all the processes in a human brain, because that would involve the details of the architectures of perhaps a hundred different sorts of computers, interconnected by thousands of specialized bundles of connections. It is an immensely complex matter of engineering. Nevertheless, when the mind is regarded, in principle, in terms of what the brain may do, many questions that are usually considered to be philosophical can now be recognized as merely psychological-because the long-sought connections between mind and brain do not involve two separate worlds, but merely relate two points of view.

Memory and Change

What do brains do? Doing means changing. Whenever we learn or ‘change our minds’, our brains are engaged in changing their states. To comprehend the relationship between mind and brain, we must understand the relationship between what things do and what things are; what something does is simply an aspect of that thing considered over some span of time. When we see a ball roll down a hill, we appreciate that the rolling is neither the ball itself, nor something apart in some other world – but merely an aspect of the ball’s extension in space-time; it is a description of the ball, over time, seen from the viewpoint of physical laws. Why is it so much harder to appreciate that thinking is an aspect of the brain, that also could be described, in principle, in terms of the self-same physical laws? The answer is that minds do not seem physical to us because we know so little of the processes inside brains.

We can only describe how something changes by contrast with what remains the same. Consider how we use expressions like “I remember X.” Memories must be involved with a record of changes in our brains, but such changes must be rather small because to undergo too large a change is to lose any sense of identity. This intrusion of a sense of self makes the subject of memory difficult; we like to think of ourselves as remaining unchanged – no matter how much we change what we think. For example, we tend to talk about remembering events (or learning facts, or acquiring skills) as though there were a clear separation between what we call the Self and what we regard as like data that are separate from but accessible to the self. However, it is hard to draw the boundary between a mind and what that mind may think about and this is another aspect of brains that makes them seem different to us from machines. We are used to thinking about machines in terms of how they affect other materials. But it makes little sense to think of brains as though they manufacture thoughts the way that factories makes cars because brains, like computers, are largely engaged in processes that change themselves . Whenever a brain makes a memory, this alters what that brain may later do.

Our experience with computers over the past few decades has helped us to clarify our understanding of such matters. The early applications of computers usually maintained a rather clear distinction between the program and the data on which it operates. But once we started to develop programs that changed themselves, we also began to understand that there is no fundamental difference between acquiring new data and acquiring new processes. Such distinctions turned out to be not absolute, but relative to other issues of perspective and complexity. When we say that minds are what brains do, we must also ask whether every other process has some corresponding sort of mind. One reply might be that this is merely a matter of degree: people have well-developed minds, while bricks or stones have almost none. Another reply might try to insist that only a person can have a mind -and, maybe, certain animals. But neither side would be wrong or right; the issue is not about a fact, but about when to use a certain word. Those who wish to use the term “mind” only for certain processes should specify which processes. The problem with this is that we don’t yet have adequate ways to classify processes. Human brains are uniquely complex, and do things that no other things do – and we must try to learn how brains do those things.

This brings us back to what it means to talk about what something does. Is that different from the thing itself? Again it is a matter of how we describe it. What complicates that problem for common sense psychology is that we feel compelled to think in terms of Selves, and of what those Selves proceed to think about. To make this into a useful technical distinction, we need some basis for dividing the brain into parts that change quickly and parts that change slowly. The trouble is that we don’t yet know enough about the brain to make such distinctions properly. In any case, if we agree that minds are simply what brains do, it makes no further sense to ask how minds do what they do.

Embodiments of Minds

One reason why the mind-brain problem has always seemed mysterious is that minds seem to us so separate from their physical embodiments. Why do we find it so easy to imagine the same mind being moved to a different body or brain – or even existing by itself? One reason could be that concerns about minds are mainly concerns about changes in states – and these do not often have much to do with the natures of those states themselves. From a functional or procedural viewpoint, we often care only about how each agent changes state in response to the actions upon it of other agents. This is why we so often can discuss the organization of a community without much concern for the physical constitution of its members. It is the same inside a computer; it is only signals representing changes that matter, whereas we have no reason to be concerned with properties that do not change. Consider that it is just those properties of physical objects that change the least – such as their colors, sizes, weights, or shapes – that, naturally, are the easiest to sense. Yet these, precisely because they don’t change, are the ones that matter least of all, in computational processes. So naturally minds seem detached from the physical. In regard to mental processes, it matters not what the parts of brains are; it only matters what they do–and what they are connected to.

A related reason why the mind-brain problem seems hard is that we all believe in having a Self – some sort of compact, pointlike entity that somehow knows what’s happening throughout a vast and complex mind. It seems to us that this entity persists through our lives in spite of change. This feeling manifests itself when we say “I think” rather than “thinking is happening”, or when we agree that “I think therefore I am,” instead of “I think, therefore I change”. Even when we recognize that memories must change our minds, we feel that something else stays fixed – the thing that has those memories. In chapter 4 of The Society of Mind[l] I argue that this sense of having a Self is an elaborately constructed illusion – albeit one of great and practical value. Our brains are endowed with machinery destined to develop persistent self-images and to maintain their coherence in the face of continuous change. But those changes are substantial, too; your adult mind is not very like the one mind you had in infancy. To be sure, you may have changed much since childhood – but if one succeeds, in later life, to manage to avoid much growth, that poses no great mystery.

We tend to think about reasoning as though it were something quite apart from the knowledge and memories that it exploits. If we’re told that Tweety is a bird, and that any bird should be able to fly, then it seems to us quite evident that Tweety should be able to fly. This ability to draw conclusions seems (to adults) so separate from the things we learn that it seems inherent in having a mind. Yet over the past half century, research in child psychology has taught us to distrust such beliefs. Very young children do not find adult logic to be so self evident. On the contrary, the experiments of Jean Piaget and others have shown that our reasoning abilities evolve through various stages. Perhaps it is because we forget how hard these were to learn that they now appear so obvious. Why do we have such an amnesia about learning to reason and to remember? Perhaps because those very processes are involved in how we remember in later life. Then, naturally, it would be hard to remember what it was like to be without reason – or what it was like to learn such things. Whether we learn them or are born with them, our reasoning processes somehow become embodied in the structures of our brains. We all know how our logic can fail when the brain is deranged by exhaustion, intoxication or injury; in any case, the more complex situations get, the more we’re prone to making mistakes. If logic were somehow inherent in Mind, it would be hard to explain how things ever go wrong but this is exactly what one would expect from what happens inside any real machine.

Freedom of Will

We all believe in possessing a self from which we choose what we shall do. But this conflicts with the scientific view that all events in the universe depend on either random chance or on deterministic laws. What makes us yearn for a third alternative? There are powerful social advantages in evolving such beliefs. They support our sense of personal responsibility, and thus help us justify moral codes that maintain order among the tribe. Unless we believed in choice-making entities, nothing would bear any credit or blame. Believing in the freedom of will also brings psychological advantages; it helps us to be satisfied with our limited abilities to make predictions about ourselves – without having to take into account all the unknown details of our complex machinery. Indeed, I maintain that our decisions seem “free” at just the times at which what we do depends upon unconscious lower level processes of which our higher levels are unaware – that is, when we do not sense, inside ourselves, any details of the processes that moved us in one direction or the other. We say that this is freedom of will, yet, really, when we make such a choice, it would be better to call it an act of won’t. This is because, as I’ll argue below, it amounts to terminating thought and letting stand whatever choice the rest of the mind already has made.

To see an example of how this works, imagine choosing between two homes, one of which offers a mountain-view, while the other is closer to where you work. There is no particularly natural way to compare such unrelated things. One of the mental processes that are likely to become engaged might be constructing a sort of hallucination of living in that house, and then reacting to that imaginary episode. Another process might imagine a long drive to work, and then reacting to that. Yet one more process might then attempt to compare those two reactions by exploiting some memory traces of those simulations. How, then, might you finally decide? In one type of scenario, the comparison of the two descriptions may seem sufficiently logical or rational that the decision seems to be no mystery. In such a case we might have the sense of having found a “compelling reason”–and feel no need to regard that choice as being peculiarly free.

In another type of scenario, no such compelling reason appears. Then the process can go on to engage more and more mechanisms at increasingly lower levels, until it engages processes involving billions of brain cells. Naturally, your higher level agencies – such as those involved with verbal expressions–will know virtually nothing about such activities, except that they are consuming time. If no compelling basis emerges upon which to base a definite choice, the process might threaten to go on forever. However, that doesn’t happen in a balanced mind because there will always be other, competing demands from other agencies. Eventually some other agency will intervene – perhaps one of a supervisory character[2] whose job it is to be concerned, not with the details of what is being decided, but with some other economic aspect of the other systems’ activities. When this is what terminates the decision process, and the rest is left to adopt whichever alternative presently emerges from their interrupted activities, our higher level agencies will have no reasonable explanation of how the decision was made. In such a case, if we are compelled to explain what was done, then, by default, we usually say something like “I decided to.’[3] This, I submit, is the type of situation in which we speak of freedom of choice. But such expressions refer less to the processes which actually make our decisions than to the systems which intervene to halt those processes. Freedom of will is less to do with how we think than with how we stop thinking.

Uncertainty and Stability

What connects the mind to the world? This problem has always caused conflicts between physics, psychology, and religion. In the world of Newton’s mechanical laws, every event was entirely caused by what had happened earlier. There was simply no room for anything else. Yet common sense psychology said that events in the world were affected by minds: people could decide what occurred by using their freedom of will. Most religions concurred in this, although some preferred to believe in schemes involving divine predestination. Most theories in psychology were designed to support deterministic schemes, but those theories were usually too weak to explain enough of what happens in brains. In any case, neither physical nor psychological determinism left a place for the freedom of will.

The situation appeared to change when, early in this century, some physicists began to speculate that the uncertainty principle of quantum mechanics left room for the freedom of will. What attracted those physicists to such views? As I see it, they still believed in freedom of will as well as in quantum uncertainty–and these subjects had one thing in common: they both confounded those scientists’ conceptions of causality. But I see no merit in that idea because probabilistic uncertainty offers no genuine freedom, but merely adds a capricious master to one that is based on lawful rules.

Nonetheless, quantum uncertainty does indeed play a critical role in the function of brain. However, this role is neither concerned with trans-world connections nor with freedom of will. Instead, and paradoxically, it is just those quantized atomic states that enable us to have certainty! This may surprise those who have heard that Newton’s laws were replaced by ones in which such fundamental quantities as location, speed, and even time, are separately indeterminate. But although those statements are basically right, their implications are not what they seem – but almost exactly the opposite. For it was the planetary orbits of classical mechanics that were truly undependable – whereas the atomic orbits of quantum mechanics are much more predictably reliable. To explain this, let us compare a system of planets orbiting a star, in accord with the laws of classical mechanics, with a system of electrons orbiting an atomic nucleus, in accord with quantum mechanical laws. Each consists of a central mass with a number of orbiting satellites. However, there are fundamental differences. In a solar system, each planet could be initially placed at any point, and with any speed; then those orbits would proceed to change. Each planet would continually interact with all the others by exchanging momentum. Eventually, a large planet like Jupiter might even transfer enough energy to hurl the Earth into outer space. The situation is even less stable when two such systems interact; then all the orbits will so be disturbed that even the largest of planets may leave. It is a great irony that so much chaos was inherent in the old, deterministic laws. No stable structures could have evolved from a universe in which everything was constantly perturbed by everything else. If the particles of our universe were constrained only by Newton’s laws, there could exist no well defined molecules, but only drifting, featureless clouds. Our parents would pass on no precious genes; our bodies would have no separate cells; there would not be any animals at all, with nerves, synapses, and memories.

In contrast, chemical atoms are actually extremely stable because their electrons are constrained by quantum laws to occupy only certain separate levels of energy and momentum. Consequently, except when the temperature is very high, an atomic system can retain the same state for decillions of years, with no change whatever. Furthermore, combinations of atoms can combine to form configurations, called molecules, that are also confined to have definite states. Although those systems can change suddenly and unpredictably, those events may not happen for billions of years during which there is absolutely no change at all. Our stability comes from those quantum fields, by which everything is locked into place, except during moments of clean, sudden change. It is only because of quantum laws that what we call things exist at all, or that we have genes to specify brains in which memories can be maintained – so that we can have our illusions of will.[4]

QUESTIONS

Question: Can you discuss the possible relevance of artificial intelligence in dealing with this conference?
Artificial intelligence and its predecessor, cybernetics, have given us a new view of the world in general and of machines in particular. In previous times, if someone said that a human brain is just a machine, what would that have meant to the average person? It would have seemed to imply that a person must be something like a locomotive or a typewriter. This is because, in earlier days, the word machine was applied only to things that were simple and completely comprehensible. Until the past half century – starting with the work of Kurt Goedel and Alan Turing in the 1930s and of Warren McCulloch and Walter Pitts a decade later – we had never conceived of the possible ranges of computational processes. The situation is different today, not only because of those new theories, but also because we now can actually build and use machines that have thousands of millions of parts. This experience has changed our view. It is only partly that artificial intelligence has produced machines that do things that resemble thinking. It is also that we can see that our old ideas about the limitations of machines were not well founded. We have learned much more about how little we know about such matters.

I recently started to use a personal computer whose memory disk had arrived equipped with millions of words of programs and instructive text. It is not difficult to understand how the basic hardware of this computer works. But it would surely take months, and possibly years, to understand in all detail the huge mass of descriptions recorded in that memory. Every day, while I am typing instructions to this machine, screens full of unfamiliar text appear. The other day, I typed the command “Lisp Explorer”, and on the screen appeared an index to some three hundred pages of lectures about how to use, with this machine, a particular version of LISP, the computer language most used for research in artificial intelligence. The lectures were composed by a former student of mine, Patrick Winston, and I had no idea that they were in there. Suddenly there emerged, from what one might have expected to be nothing more than a reasonably simple machine, an entire heritage of records not only of a quarter century of technical work on the part of many friends and students, but also the unmistakable traces of their personalities.

In the old days, to say that a person is like a machine was like suggesting that a person is like a paper clip. Naturally it was insulting to be called any such simple thing. Today, the concept of machine no longer implies triviality. The genetic machines inside our cells contain billions of units of DNA that embody the accumulated experience of a billion years of evolutionary search. Those are systems we can respect; they are more complex than anything that anyone has ever understood. We need not lose our self-respect when someone describes us as machines; we should consider it wonderful that what we are and what we do depends upon a billion parts. As for more traditional views, I find it demeaning to be told that all the things that I can do depend on some structureless spirit or soul. It seems wrong to attribute very much to anything without enough parts. I feel the same discomfort when being told that virtues depend on the grace of some god, instead of on structures that grew from the honest work of searching, learning, and remembering. I think those tables should be turned; one ought to feel insulted when accused of being not a machine. Rather than depending upon some single, sourceless source, I much prefer the adventurous view of being made of a trillion parts–not working for some single cause, but interminably engaged in resolving old conflicts while engaging new ones. I see such conflicts in Professor Eccles’ view: in his mind are one set of ideas about the mind, and a different set of ideas that have led him to discover wonderful things about how synapses work. But he himself is still in conflict. He cannot believe that billions of cells and trillions of synapses could do enough. He wants to have yet one more part, the mind. What goodness is that extra part for? Why be so greedy that a trillion parts will not suffice? Why must there be a trillion and one?

Notes

Marvin Minsky, The Society of Mind, Simon and Schuster, 1987; Heinemann & Co., 1987.
The idea of supervisory agencies is discussed in section [6.4] of [1].
In 22.7 of [1] I postulate that our brains are genetically predisposed to compel us to try to assign some cause or purpose to every change – including ones that occur inside our brains. This is because the mechanisms (called trans-frames) that are used for representing change are built automatically to assign a cause by default if no explicit one is provided.
This text is not the same as my informal talk at the conference. I revised it to be more consistent with the terminology in [1].

 

MINDS ARE SIMPLY WHAT BRAINS DO, Marvin Minsky, Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Consciousness

Posted on April 23rd, 2007 in Rationality & Science, The Mind by Dr Rationalist

Explaining the nature of consciousness is one of the most important and perplexing areas of philosophy, but the concept is notoriously ambiguous. The abstract noun “consciousness” is not frequently used by itself in the contemporary literature, but is originally derived from the Latin con (with) and scire (to know). Perhaps the most commonly used contemporary notion of a conscious mental state is captured by Thomas Nagel’s famous “what it is like” sense (Nagel 1974). When I am in a conscious mental state, there is something it is like for me to be in that state from the subjective or first-person point of view. But how are we to understand this? For instance, how is the conscious mental state related to the body? Can consciousness be explained in terms of brain activity? What makes a mental state be a conscious mental state? The problem of consciousness is arguably the most central issue in current philosophy of mind and is also importantly related to major traditional topics in metaphysics, such as the possibility of immortality and the belief in free will. This article focuses on Western theories and conceptions of consciousness, especially as found in contemporary analytic philosophy of mind.

The two broad, traditional and competing theories of mind are dualism and materialism (or physicalism). While there are many versions of each, the former generally holds that the conscious mind or a conscious mental state is non-physical in some sense, whereas the latter holds that, to put it crudely, the mind is the brain, or is caused by neural activity. It is against this general backdrop that many answers to the above questions are formulated and developed. There are also many familiar objections to both materialism and dualism. For example, it is often said that materialism cannot truly explain just how or why some brain states are conscious, and that there is an important “explanatory gap” between mind and matter. On the other hand, dualism faces the problem of explaining how a non-physical substance or mental state can causally interact with the physical body.

Some philosophers attempt to explain consciousness directly in neurophysiological or physical terms, while others offer cognitive theories of consciousness whereby conscious mental states are reduced to some kind of representational relation between mental states and the world. There are a number of such representational theories of consciousness currently on the market, including higher-order theories which hold that what makes a mental state conscious is that the subject is aware of it in some sense. The relationship between consciousness and science is also central in much current theorizing on this topic: How does the brain “bind together” various sensory inputs to produce a unified subjective experience? What are the neural correlates of consciousness? What can be learned from abnormal psychology which might help us to understand normal consciousness? To what extent are animal minds different from human minds? Could an appropriately programmed machine be conscious?

1. Terminological Matters: Various Concepts of Consciousness

The concept of consciousness is notoriously ambiguous. It is important first to make several distinctions and to define related terms. The abstract noun “consciousness” is not often used in the contemporary literature, though it should be noted that it is originally derived from the Latin con (with) and scire (to know). Thus, “consciousness” has etymological ties to one’s ability to know and perceive, and should not be confused with conscience, which has the much more specific moral connotation of knowing when one has done or is doing something wrong. Through consciousness, one can have knowledge of the external world or one’s own mental states. The primary contemporary interest lies more in the use of the expressions “x is conscious” or “x is conscious of y.” Under the former category, perhaps most important is the distinction between state and creature consciousness (Rosenthal 1993a). We sometimes speak of an individual mental state, such as a pain or perception, as conscious. On the other hand, we also often speak of organisms or creatures as conscious, such as when we say “human beings are conscious” or “dogs are conscious.” Creature consciousness is also simply meant to refer to the fact that an organism is awake, as opposed to sleeping or in a coma. However, some kind of state consciousness is often implied by creature consciousness, that is, the organism is having conscious mental states. Due to the lack of a direct object in the expression “x is conscious,” this is usually referred to as intransitive consciousness, in contrast to transitive consciousness where the locution “x is conscious of y” is used (Rosenthal 1993a, 1997). Most contemporary theories of consciousness are aimed at explaining state consciousness; that is, explaining what makes a mental state a conscious mental state.

It might seem that “conscious” is synonymous with, say, “awareness” or “experience” or “attention.” However, it is crucial to recognize that this is not generally accepted today. For example, though perhaps somewhat atypical, one might hold that there are even unconscious experiences, depending of course on how the term “experience” is defined (Carruthers 2000). More common is the belief that we can be aware of external objects in some unconscious sense, for example, during cases of subliminal perception. The expression “conscious awareness” does not therefore seem to be redundant. Finally, it is not clear that consciousness ought to be restricted to attention. It seems plausible to suppose that one is conscious (in some sense) of objects in one’s peripheral visual field even though one is only attending to some narrow (focal) set of objects within that visual field.
Perhaps the most fundamental and commonly used notion of “conscious” is captured by Thomas Nagel’s famous “what it is like” sense (Nagel 1974). When I am in a conscious mental state, there is “something it is like” for me to be in that state from the subjective or first-person point of view. When I am, for example, smelling a rose or having a conscious visual experience, there is something it “seems” or “feels” like from my perspective. An organism, such as a bat, is conscious if it is able to experience the outer world through its (echo-locatory) senses. There is also something it is like to be a conscious creature whereas there is nothing it is like to be, for example, a table or tree. This is primarily the sense of “conscious state” that will be used throughout this entry. There are still, though, a cluster of expressions and terms related to Nagel’s sense, and some authors simply stipulate the way that they use such terms. For example, philosophers sometimes refer to conscious states as phenomenal or qualitative states. More technically, philosophers often view such states as having qualitative properties called “qualia” (singular, quale). There is significant disagreement over the nature, and even the existence, of qualia, but they are perhaps most frequently understood as the felt properties or qualities of conscious states.

Ned Block (1995) makes an often cited distinction between phenomenal consciousness (or “phenomenality”) and access consciousness. The former is very much in line with the Nagelian notion described above. However, Block also defines the quite different notion of access consciousness in terms of a mental state’s relationship with other mental states; for example, a mental state’s “availability for use in reasoning and rationality guiding speech and action” (Block 1995: 227). This would, for example, count a visual perception as (access) conscious not because it has the “what it’s likeness” of phenomenal states, but rather because it carries visual information which is generally available for use by the organism, regardless of whether or not it has any qualitative properties. Access consciousness is therefore more of a functional notion; that is, concerned with what such states do. Although this concept of consciousness is certainly very important in cognitive science and philosophy of mind generally, not everyone agrees that access consciousness deserves to be called “consciousnesses” in any important sense. Block himself argues that neither sense of consciousness implies the other, while others urge that there is a more intimate connection between the two.

Finally, it is helpful to distinguish between consciousness and self-consciousness, which plausibly involves some kind of awareness or consciousness of one’s own mental states (instead of something out in the world). Self-consciousness arguably comes in degrees of sophistication ranging from minimal bodily self-awareness to the ability to reason and reflect on one’s own mental states, such as one’s beliefs and desires. Some important historical figures have even held that consciousness entails some form of self-consciousness (Kant 1781/1965, Sartre 1956), a view shared by some contemporary philosophers (Gennaro 1996a, Kriegel 2004).

 

2. Some History on the Topic

Interest in the nature of conscious experience has no doubt been around for as long as there have been reflective humans. It would be impossible here to survey the entire history, but a few highlights are in order. In the history of Western philosophy, which is the focus of this entry, important writings on human nature and the soul and mind go back to ancient philosophers, such as Plato. More sophisticated work on the nature of consciousness and perception can be found in the work of Plato’s most famous student Aristotle (see Caston 2002), and then throughout the later Medieval period. It is, however, with the work of René Descartes (1596-1650) and his successors in the early modern period of philosophy that consciousness and the relationship between the mind and body took center stage. As we shall see, Descartes argued that the mind is a non-physical substance distinct from the body. He also did not believe in the existence of unconscious mental states, a view certainly not widely held today. Descartes defined “thinking” very broadly to include virtually every kind of mental state and urged that consciousness is essential to thought. Our mental states are, according to Descartes, infallibly transparent to introspection. John Locke (1689/1975) held a similar position regarding the connection between mentality and consciousness, but was far less committed on the exact metaphysical nature of the mind.

Perhaps the most important philosopher of the period explicitly to endorse the existence of unconscious mental states was G.W. Leibniz (1686/1991, 1720/1925). Although Leibniz also believed in the immaterial nature of mental substances (which he called “monads”), he recognized the existence of what he called “petit perceptions,” which are basically unconscious perceptions. He also importantly distinguished between perception and apperception, roughly the difference between outer-directed consciousness and self-consciousness (see Gennaro 1999 for some discussion). The most important detailed theory of mind in the early modern period was developed by Immanuel Kant. His main work Critique of Pure Reason (1781/1965) is as equally dense as it is important, and cannot easily be summarized in this context. Although he owes a great debt to his immediate predecessors, Kant is arguably the most important philosopher since Plato and Aristotle and is highly relevant today. Kant basically thought that an adequate account of phenomenal consciousness involved far more than any of his predecessors had considered. There are important mental structures which are “presupposed” in conscious experience, and Kant presented an elaborate theory as to what those structures are, which, in turn, had other important implications. He, like Leibniz, also saw the need to postulate the existence of unconscious mental states and mechanisms in order to provide an adequate theory of mind (Kitcher 1990 and Brook 1994 are two excellent books on Kant’s theory of mind.).

Over the past one hundred years or so, however, research on consciousness has taken off in many important directions. In psychology, with the notable exception of the virtual banishment of consciousness by behaviorist psychologists (e.g., Skinner 1953), there were also those deeply interested in consciousness and various introspective (or “first-person”) methods of investigating the mind. The writings of such figures as Wilhelm Wundt (1897), William James (1890) and Alfred Titchener (1901) are good examples of this approach. Franz Brentano (1874/1973) also had a profound effect on some contemporary theories of consciousness. Similar introspectionist approaches were used by those in the so-called “phenomenological” tradition in philosophy, such as in the writings of Edmund Husserl (1913/1931, 1929/1960) and Martin Heidegger (1927/1962).  The work of Sigmund Freud was very important, at minimum, in bringing about the near universal acceptance of the existence of unconscious mental states and processes.

It must, however, be kept in mind that none of the above had very much scientific knowledge about the detailed workings of the brain.  The relatively recent development of neurophysiology is, in part, also responsible for the unprecedented interdisciplinary research interest in consciousness, particularly since the 1980s.  There are now several important journals devoted entirely to the study of consciousness: Consciousness and Cognition, Journal of Consciousness Studies, and Psyche.  There are also major annual conferences sponsored by world wide professional organizations, such as the Association for the Scientific Study of Consciousness, and an entire book series called “Advances in Consciousness Research” published by John Benjamins.  (For a small sample of introductory texts and important anthologies, see Kim 1996, Gennaro 1996b, Block et. al. 1997, Seager 1999, Chalmers 2002, Baars et. al. 2003, Blackmore 2004, Campbell 2005.)

3. The Metaphysics of Consciousness: Materialism vs. Dualism

Metaphysics is the branch of philosophy concerned with the ultimate nature of reality. There are two broad traditional and competing metaphysical views concerning the nature of the mind and conscious mental states: dualism and materialism. While there are many versions of each, the former generally holds that the conscious mind or a conscious mental state is non-physical in some sense. On the other hand, materialists hold that the mind is the brain, or, more accurately, that conscious mental activity is identical with neural activity. It is important to recognize that by non-physical, dualists do not merely mean “not visible to the naked eye.” Many physical things fit this description, such as the atoms which make up the air in a typical room. For something to be non-physical, it must literally be outside the realm of physics; that is, not in space at all and undetectable in principle by the instruments of physics. It is equally important to recognize that the category “physical” is broader than the category “material.” Materialists are called such because there is the tendency to view the brain, a material thing, as the most likely physical candidate to identify with the mind. However, something might be physical but not material in this sense, such as an electromagnetic or energy field. One might therefore instead be a “physicalist” in some broader sense and still not a dualist. Thus, to say that the mind is non-physical is to say something much stronger than that it is non-material. Dualists, then, tend to believe that conscious mental states or minds are radically different from anything in the physical world at all.

a. Dualism: General Support and Related Issues

There are a number of reasons why some version of dualism has been held throughout the centuries. For one thing, especially from the introspective or first-person perspective, our conscious mental states just do not seem like physical things or processes. That is, when we reflect on our conscious perceptions, pains, and desires, they do not seem to be physical in any sense. Consciousness seems to be a unique aspect of the world not to be understood in any physical way. Although materialists will urge that this completely ignores the more scientific third-person perspective on the nature of consciousness and mind, this idea continues to have force for many today. Indeed, it is arguably the crucial underlying intuition behind historically significant “conceivability arguments” against materialism and for dualism. Such arguments typically reason from the premise that one can conceive of one’s conscious states existing without one’s body or, conversely, that one can imagine one’s own physical duplicate without consciousness at all (see section 3b.iv). The metaphysical conclusion ultimately drawn is that consciousness cannot be identical with anything physical, partly because there is no essential conceptual connection between the mental and the physical. Arguments such as these go back to Descartes and continue to be used today in various ways (Kripke 1972, Chalmers 1996), but it is highly controversial as to whether they succeed in showing that materialism is false. Materialists have replied in various ways to such arguments and the relevant literature has grown dramatically in recent years.

Historically, there is also the clear link between dualism and a belief in immortality, and hence a more theistic perspective than one tends to find among materialists. Indeed, belief in dualism is often explicitly theologically motivated. If the conscious mind is not physical, it seems more plausible to believe in the possibility of life after bodily death. On the other hand, if conscious mental activity is identical with brain activity, then it would seem that when all brain activity ceases, so do all conscious experiences and thus no immortality. After all, what do many people believe continues after bodily death? Presumably, one’s own conscious thoughts, memories, experiences, beliefs, and so on. There is perhaps a similar historical connection to a belief in free will, which is of course a major topic in its own right. For our purposes, it suffices to say that, on some definitions of what it is to act freely, such ability seems almost “supernatural” in the sense that one’s conscious decisions can alter the otherwise deterministic sequence of events in nature. To put it another way: If we are entirely physical beings as the materialist holds, then mustn’t all of the brain activity and behavior in question be determined by the laws of nature? Although materialism may not logically rule out immortality or free will, materialists will likely often reply that such traditional, perhaps even outdated or pre-scientific beliefs simply ought to be rejected to the extent that they conflict with materialism. After all, if the weight of the evidence points toward materialism and away from dualism, then so much the worse for those related views.

One might wonder “even if the mind is physical, what about the soul?” Maybe it’s the soul, not the mind, which is non-physical as one might be told in many religious traditions. While it is true that the term “soul” (or “spirit”) is often used instead of “mind” in such religious contexts, the problem is that it is unclear just how the soul is supposed to differ from the mind. The terms are often even used interchangeably in many historical texts and by many philosophers because it is unclear what else the soul could be other than “the mental substance.” It is difficult to describe the soul in any way that doesn’t make it sound like what we mean by the mind. After all, that’s what many believe goes on after bodily death; namely, conscious mental activity. Granted that the term “soul” carries a more theological connotation, but it doesn’t follow that the words “soul” and “mind” refer to entirely different things. Somewhat related to the issue of immortality, the existence of near death experiences is also used as some evidence for dualism and immortality. Such patients experience a peaceful moving toward a light through a tunnel like structure, or are able to see doctors working on their bodies while hovering over them in an emergency room (sometimes akin to what is called an “out of body experience”). In response, materialists will point out that such experiences can be artificially induced in various experimental situations, and that starving the brain of oxygen is known to cause hallucinations.

Various paranormal and psychic phenomena, such as clairvoyance, faith healing, and mind-reading, are sometimes also cited as evidence for dualism. However, materialists (and even many dualists) will first likely wish to be skeptical of the alleged phenomena themselves for numerous reasons. There are many modern day charlatans who should make us seriously question whether there really are such phenomena or mental abilities in the first place. Second, it is not quite clear just how dualism follows from such phenomena even if they are genuine. A materialist, or physicalist at least, might insist that though such phenomena are puzzling and perhaps currently difficult to explain in physical terms, they are nonetheless ultimately physical in nature; for example, having to do with very unusual transfers of energy in the physical world. The dualist advantage is perhaps not as obvious as one might think, and we need not jump to supernatural conclusions so quickly.

i. Substance Dualism and Objections

Interactionist Dualism or simply “interactionism” is the most common form of “substance dualism” and its name derives from the widely accepted fact that mental states and bodily states causally interact with each other. For example, my desire to drink something cold causes my body to move to the refrigerator and get something to drink and, conversely, kicking me in the shin will cause me to feel a pain and get angry. Due to Descartes’ influence, it is also sometimes referred to as “Cartesian dualism.” Knowing nothing about just where such causal interaction could take place, Descartes speculated that it was through the pineal gland, a now almost humorous conjecture. But a modern day interactionist would certainly wish to treat various areas of the brain as the location of such interactions.

Three serious objections are briefly worth noting here. The first is simply the issue of just how does or could such radically different substances causally interact. How something non-physical causally interacts with something physical, such as the brain? No such explanation is forthcoming or is perhaps even possible, according to materialists. Moreover, if causation involves a transfer of energy from cause to effect, then how is that possible if the mind is really non-physical? Gilbert Ryle (1949) mockingly calls the Cartesian view about the nature of mind, a belief in the “ghost in the machine.” Secondly, assuming that some such energy transfer makes any sense at all, it is also then often alleged that interactionism is inconsistent with the scientifically well-established Conservation of Energy principle, which says that the total amount of energy in the universe, or any controlled part of it, remains constant. So any loss of energy in the cause must be passed along as a corresponding gain of energy in the effect, as in standard billiard ball examples. But if interactionism is true, then when mental events cause physical events, energy would literally come into the physical word. On the other hand, when bodily events cause mental events, energy would literally go out of the physical world. At the least, there is a very peculiar and unique notion of energy involved, unless one wished, even more radically, to deny the conservation principle itself. Third, some materialists might also use the well-known fact that brain damage (even to very specific areas of the brain) causes mental defects as a serious objection to interactionism (and thus as support for materialism). This has of course been known for many centuries, but the level of detailed knowledge has increased dramatically in recent years. Now a dualist might reply that such phenomena do not absolutely refute her metaphysical position since it could be replied that damage to the brain simply causes corresponding damage to the mind. However, this raises a host of other questions: Why not opt for the simpler explanation, i.e., that brain damage causes mental damage because mental processes simply are brain processes? If the non-physical mind is damaged when brain damage occurs, how does that leave one’s mind according to the dualist’s conception of an afterlife? Will the severe amnesic at the end of life on Earth retain such a deficit in the afterlife? If proper mental functioning still depends on proper brain functioning, then is dualism really in no better position to offer hope for immortality?

It should be noted that there is also another less popular form of substance dualism called parallelism, which denies the causal interaction between the non-physical mental and physical bodily realms. It seems fair to say that it encounters even more serious objections than interactionism.

ii. Other Forms of Dualism

While a detailed survey of all varieties of dualism is beyond the scope of this entry, it is at least important to note here that the main and most popular form of dualism today is called property dualism. Substance dualism has largely fallen out of favor at least in most philosophical circles, though there are important exceptions (e.g., Swinburne 1986, Foster 1996) and it often continues to be tied to various theological positions. Property dualism, on the other hand, is a more modest version of dualism and it holds that there are mental properties (i.e., characteristics or aspects of things) that are neither identical with nor reducible to physical properties. There are actually several different kinds of property dualism, but what they have in common is the idea that conscious properties, such as the color qualia involved in a conscious experience of a visual perception, cannot be explained in purely physical terms and, thus, are not themselves to be identified with any brain state or process.
Two other views worth mentioning are epiphenomenalism and panpsychism. The latter is the somewhat eccentric view that all things in physical reality, even down to micro-particles, have some mental properties. All substances have a mental aspect, though it is not always clear exactly how to characterize or test such a claim. Epiphenomenalism holds that mental events are caused by brain events but those mental events are mere “epiphenomena” which do not, in turn, cause anything physical at all, despite appearances to the contrary (for a recent defense, see Robinson 2004).

Finally, although not a form of dualism, idealism holds that there are only immaterial mental substances, a view more common in the Eastern tradition. The most prominent Western proponent of idealism was 18th century empiricist George Berkeley. The idealist agrees with the substance dualist, however, that minds are non-physical, but then denies the existence of mind-independent physical substances altogether. Such a view faces a number of serious objections, and it also requires a belief in the existence of God.

b. Materialism: General Support

Some form of materialism is probably much more widely held today than in centuries past. No doubt part of the reason for this has to do with the explosion in scientific knowledge about the workings of the brain and its intimate connection with consciousness, including the close connection between brain damage and various states of consciousness. Brain death is now the main criterion for when someone dies. Stimulation to specific areas of the brain results in modality specific conscious experiences. Indeed, materialism often seems to be a working assumption in neurophysiology. Imagine saying to a neuroscientist “you are not really studying the conscious mind itself” when she is examining the workings of the brain during an fMRI. The idea is that science is showing us that conscious mental states, such as visual perceptions, are simply identical with certain neuro-chemical brain processes; much like the science of chemistry taught us that water just is H2O.

There are also theoretical factors on the side of materialism, such as adherence to the so-called “principle of simplicity” which says that if two theories can equally explain a given phenomenon, then we should accept the one which posits fewer objects or forces. In this case, even if dualism could equally explain consciousness (which would of course be disputed by materialists), materialism is clearly the simpler theory in so far as it does not posit any objects or processes over and above physical ones. Materialists will wonder why there is a need to believe in the existence of such mysterious non-physical entities. Moreover, in the aftermath of the Darwinian revolution, it would seem that materialism is on even stronger ground provided that one accepts basic evolutionary theory and the notion that most animals are conscious. Given the similarities between the more primitive parts of the human brain and the brains of other animals, it seems most natural to conclude that, through evolution, increasing layers of brain areas correspond to increased mental abilities. For example, having a well developed prefrontal cortex allows humans to reason and plan in ways not available to dogs and cats. It also seems fairly uncontroversial to hold that we should be materialists about the minds of animals. If so, then it would be odd indeed to hold that non-physical conscious states suddenly appear on the scene with humans.

There are still, however, a number of much discussed and important objections to materialism, most of which question the notion that materialism can adequately explain conscious experience.

i. Objection 1: The Explanatory Gap and The Hard Problem

Joseph Levine (1983) coined the expression “the explanatory gap” to express a difficulty for any materialistic attempt to explain consciousness. Although not concerned to reject the metaphysics of materialism, Levine gives eloquent expression to the idea that there is a key gap in our ability to explain the connection between phenomenal properties and brain properties (see also Levine 1993, 2001). The basic problem is that it is, at least at present, very difficult for us to understand the relationship between brain properties and phenomenal properties in any explanatory satisfying way, especially given the fact that it seems possible for one to be present without the other. There is an odd kind of arbitrariness involved: Why or how does some particular brain process produce that particular taste or visual sensation? It is difficult to see any real explanatory connection between specific conscious states and brain states in a way that explains just how or why the former are identical with the latter. There is therefore an explanatory gap between the physical and mental. Levine argues that this difficulty in explaining consciousness is unique; that is, we do not have similar worries about other scientific identities, such as that “water is H2O” or that “heat is mean molecular kinetic energy.” There is “an important sense in which we can’t really understand how [materialism] could be true.” (2001: 68)

David Chalmers (1995) has articulated a similar worry by using the catchy phrase “the hard problem of consciousness,” which basically refers to the difficulty of explaining just how physical processes in the brain give rise to subjective conscious experiences. The “really hard problem is the problem of experience…How can we explain why there is something it is like to entertain a mental image, or to experience an emotion?” (1995: 201) Others have made similar points, as Chalmers acknowledges, but reference to the phrase “the hard problem” has now become commonplace in the literature. Unlike Levine, however, Chalmers is much more inclined to draw anti-materialist metaphysical conclusions from these and other considerations. Chalmers usefully distinguishes the hard problem of consciousness from what he calls the (relatively) “easy problems” of consciousness, such as the ability to discriminate and categorize stimuli, the ability of a cognitive system to access its own internal states, and the difference between wakefulness and sleep. The easy problems generally have more to do with the functions of consciousness, but Chalmers urges that solving them does not touch the hard problem of phenomenal consciousness. Most philosophers, according to Chalmers, are really only addressing the easy problems, perhaps merely with something like Block’s “access consciousness” in mind. Their theories ignore phenomenal consciousness.

There are many responses by materialists to the above charges, but it is worth emphasizing that Levine, at least, does not reject the metaphysics of materialism. Instead, he sees the “explanatory gap [as] primarily an epistemological problem” (2001: 10). That is, it is primarily a problem having to do with knowledge or understanding. This concession is still important at least to the extent that one is concerned with the larger related metaphysical issues discussed in section 3a, such as the possibility of immortality.

Perhaps most important for the materialist, however, is recognition of the fact that different concepts can pick out the same property or object in the world (Loar 1990, 1997). Out in the world there is only the one “stuff,” which we can conceptualize either as “water” or as “H2O.” The traditional distinction, made most notably by Gottlob Frege in the late 19th century, between “meaning” (or “sense”) and “reference” is also relevant here. Two or more concepts, which can have different meanings, can refer to the same property or object, much like “Venus” and “The Morning Star.” Materialists, then, explain that it is essential to distinguish between mental properties and our concepts of those properties. By analogy, there are so-called “phenomenal concepts” which uses a phenomenal or “first-person” property to refer to some conscious mental state, such as a sensation of red. In contrast, we can also use various concepts couched in physical or neurophysiological terms to refer to that same mental state from the third-person point of view. There is thus but one conscious mental state which can be conceptualized in two different ways: either by employing first-person experiential phenomenal concepts or by employing third-person neurophysiological concepts. It may then just be a “brute fact” about the world that there are such identities and the appearance of arbitrariness between brain properties and mental properties is just that – an apparent problem leading many to wonder about the alleged explanatory gap. Qualia would then still be identical to physical properties. Moreover, this response provides a diagnosis for why there even seems to be such a gap; namely, that we use very different concepts to pick out the same property. Science will be able, in principle, to close the gap and solve the hard problem of consciousness in an analogous way that we now have a very good understanding for why “water is H2O” or “heat is mean molecular kinetic energy” that was lacking centuries ago. Maybe the hard problem isn’t so hard after all – it will just take some more time. After all, the science of chemistry didn’t develop overnight and we are relatively early in the history of neurophysiology and our understanding of phenomenal consciousness. (See Shear 1997 for many more specific responses to the hard problem, but also for Chalmers’ counter-replies.)

ii. Objection 2: The Knowledge Argument

There is a pair of very widely discussed, and arguably related, objections to materialism which come from the seminal writings of Thomas Nagel (1974) and Frank Jackson (1982, 1986). These arguments, especially Jackson’s, have come to be known as examples of the “knowledge argument” against materialism, due to their clear emphasis on the epistemological (that is, knowledge related) limitations of materialism. Like Levine, Nagel does not reject the metaphysics of materialism. Jackson had originally intended for his argument to yield a dualistic conclusion, but he no longer holds that view. The general pattern of each argument is to assume that all the physical facts are known about some conscious mind or conscious experience. Yet, the argument goes, not all is known about the mind or experience. It is then inferred that the missing knowledge is non-physical in some sense, which is surely an anti-materialist conclusion in some sense.

Nagel imagines a future where we know everything physical there is to know about some other conscious creature’s mind, such as a bat. However, it seems clear that we would still not know something crucial; namely, “what it is like to be a bat.” It will not do to imagine what it is like for us to be a bat. We would still not know what it is like to be a bat from the bat’s subjective or first-person point of view. The idea, then, is that if we accept the hypothesis that we know all of the physical facts about bat minds, and yet some knowledge about bat minds is left out, then materialism is inherently flawed when it comes to explaining consciousness. Even in an ideal future in which everything physical is known by us, something would still be left out. Jackson’s somewhat similar, but no less influential, argument begins by asking us to imagine a future where a person, Mary, is kept in a black and white room from birth during which time she becomes a brilliant neuroscientist and an expert on color perception. Mary never sees red for example, but she learns all of the physical facts and everything neurophysiologically about human color vision. Eventually she is released from the room and sees red for the first time. Jackson argues that it is clear that Mary comes to learn something new; namely, to use Nagel’s famous phrase, what it is like to experience red. This is a new piece of knowledge and hence she must have come to know some non-physical fact (since, by hypothesis, she already knew all of the physical facts). Thus, not all knowledge about the conscious mind is physical knowledge.

The influence and the quantity of work that these ideas have generated cannot be exaggerated. Numerous materialist responses to Nagel’s argument have been presented (such as Van Gulick 1985), and there is now a very useful anthology devoted entirely to Jackson’s knowledge argument (Ludlow et. al. 2004). Some materialists have wondered if we should concede up front that Mary wouldn’t be able to imagine the color red even before leaving the room, so that maybe she wouldn’t even be surprised upon seeing red for the first time. Various suspicions about the nature and effectiveness of such thought experiments also usually accompany this response. More commonly, however, materialists reply by arguing that Mary does not learn a new fact when seeing red for the first time, but rather learns the same fact in a different way. Recalling the distinction made in section 3b.i between concepts and objects or properties, the materialist will urge that there is only the one physical fact about color vision, but there are two ways to come to know it: either by employing neurophysiological concepts or by actually undergoing the relevant experience and so by employing phenomenal concepts. We might say that Mary, upon leaving the black and white room, becomes acquainted with the same neural property as before, but only now from the first-person point of view. The property itself isn’t new; only the perspective, or what philosophers sometimes call the “mode of presentation,” is different. In short, coming to learn or know something new does not entail learning some new fact about the world. Analogies are again given in other less controversial areas, for example, one can come to know about some historical fact or event by reading a (reliable) third-person historical account or by having observed that event oneself. But there is still only the one objective fact under two different descriptions. Finally, it is crucial to remember that, according to most, the metaphysics of materialism remains unaffected. Drawing a metaphysical conclusion from such purely epistemological premises is always a questionable practice. Nagel’s argument doesn’t show that bat mental states are not identical with bat brain states. Indeed, a materialist might even expect the conclusion that Nagel draws; after all, given that our brains are so different from bat brains, it almost seems natural for there to be certain aspects of bat experience that we could never fully comprehend. Only the bat actually undergoes the relevant brain processes. Similarly, Jackson’s argument doesn’t show that Mary’s color experience is distinct from her brain processes.

Despite the plethora of materialist responses, vigorous debate continues as there are those who still think that something profound must always be missing from any materialist attempt to explain consciousness; namely, that understanding subjective phenomenal consciousness is an inherently first-person activity which cannot be captured by any objective third-person scientific means, no matter how much scientific knowledge is accumulated. Some knowledge about consciousness is essentially limited to first-person knowledge. Such a sense, no doubt, continues to fuel the related anti-materialist intuitions raised in the previous section. Perhaps consciousness is simply a fundamental or irreducible part of nature in some sense (Chalmers 1996). (For more see Van Gulick 1993.)

iii. Objection 3: Mysterianism

Finally, some go so far as to argue that we are simply not capable of solving the problem of consciousness (McGinn 1989, 1991, 1995). In short, “mysterians” believe that the hard problem can never be solved because of human cognitive limitations; the explanatory gap can never be filled. Once again, however, McGinn does not reject the metaphysics of materialism, but rather argues that we are “cognitively closed” with respect to this problem much like a rat or dog is cognitively incapable of solving, or even understanding, calculus problems. More specifically, McGinn claims that we are cognitively closed as to how the brain produces conscious awareness. McGinn concedes that some brain property produces conscious experience, but we cannot understand how this is so or even know what that brain property is. Our concept forming mechanisms simply will not allow us to grasp the physical and causal basis of consciousness. We are not conceptually suited to be able to do so.

McGinn does not entirely rest his argument on past failed attempts at explaining consciousness in materialist terms; instead, he presents another argument for his admittedly pessimistic conclusion. McGinn observes that we do not have a mental faculty that can access both consciousness and the brain. We access consciousness through introspection or the first-person perspective, but our access to the brain is through the use of outer spatial senses (e.g., vision) or a more third-person perspective. Thus we have no way to access both the brain and consciousness together, and therefore any explanatory link between them is forever beyond our reach.
Materialist responses are numerous. First, one might wonder why we can’t combine the two perspectives within certain experimental contexts. Both first-person and third-person scientific data about the brain and consciousness can be acquired and used to solve the hard problem. Even if a single person cannot grasp consciousness from both perspectives at the same time, why can’t a plausible physicalist theory emerge from such a combined approach? Presumably, McGinn would say that we are not capable of putting such a theory together in any appropriate way. Second, despite McGinn’s protests to the contrary, many will view the problem of explaining consciousness as a merely temporary limit of our theorizing, and not something which is unsolvable in principle (Dennett 1991). Third, it may be that McGinn expects too much; namely, grasping some causal link between the brain and consciousness. After all, if conscious mental states are simply identical to brain states, then there may simply be a “brute fact” that really does not need any further explaining. Indeed, this is sometimes also said in response to the explanatory gap and the hard problem, as we saw earlier. It may even be that some form of dualism is presupposed in McGinn’s argument, to the extent that brain states are said to “cause” or “give rise to” consciousness, instead of using the language of identity. Fourth, McGinn’s analogy to lower animals and mathematics is not quite accurate. Rats, for example, have no concept whatsoever of calculus. It is not as if they can grasp it to some extent but just haven’t figured out the answer to some particular problem within mathematics. Rats are just completely oblivious to calculus problems. On the other hand, we humans obviously do have some grasp on consciousness and on the workings of the brain—just see the references at the end of this entry! It is not clear, then, why we should accept the extremely pessimistic and universally negative conclusion that we can never discover the answer to the problem of consciousness, or, more specifically, why we could never understand the link between consciousness and the brain.

iv. Objection 4: Zombies

Unlike many of the above objections to materialism, the appeal to the possibility of zombies is often taken as both a problem for materialism and as a more positive argument for some form of dualism, such as property dualism. The philosophical notion of a “zombie” basically refers to conceivable creatures which are physically indistinguishable from us but lack consciousness entirely (Chalmers 1996). It certainly seems logically possible for there to be such creatures: “the conceivability of zombies seems…obvious to me…While this possibility is probably empirically impossible, it certainly seems that a coherent situation is described; I can discern no contradiction in the description” (Chalmers 1996: 96). Philosophers often contrast what is logically possible (in the sense of “that which is not self-contradictory”) from what is empirically possible given the actual laws of nature. Thus, it is logically possible for me to jump fifty feet in the air, but not empirically possible. Philosophers often use the notion of “possible worlds,” i.e., different ways that the world might have been, in describing such non-actual situations or possibilities. The objection, then, typically proceeds from such a possibility to the conclusion that materialism is false because materialism would seem to rule out that possibility. It has been fairly widely accepted (since Kripke 1972) that all identity statements are necessarily true (that is, true in all possible worlds), and the same should therefore go for mind-brain identity claims. Since the possibility of zombies shows that it doesn’t, then we should conclude that materialism is false. [See Identity Theory.]

It is impossible to do justice to all of the subtleties here. The literature in response to zombie, and related “conceivability,” arguments is enormous (see, for example, Hill 1997, Hill and McLaughlin 1999, Papineau 1998, 2002, Balog 1999, Block and Stalnaker 1999, Loar 1999, Yablo 1999, Perry 2001, Botterell 2001). A few lines of reply are as follows: First, it is sometimes objected that the conceivability of something does not really entail its possibility. Perhaps we can also conceive of water not being H2O, since there seems to be no logical contradiction in doing so, but, according to received wisdom from Kripke, that is really impossible. Perhaps, then, some things just seem possible but really aren’t. Much of the debate centers on various alleged similarities or dissimilarities between the mind-brain and water-H2O cases (or other such scientific identities). Indeed, the entire issue of the exact relationship between “conceivability” and “possibility” is the subject of an important recently published anthology (Gendler and Hawthorne 2002). Second, even if zombies are conceivable in the sense of logically possible, how can we draw a substantial metaphysical conclusion about the actual world? There is often suspicion on the part of materialists about what, if anything, such philosophers’ “thought experiments” can teach us about the nature of our minds. It seems that one could take virtually any philosophical or scientific theory about almost anything, conceive that it is possibly false, and then conclude that it is actually false. Something, perhaps, is generally wrong with this way of reasoning. Third, as we saw earlier (3b.i), there may be a very good reason why such zombie scenarios seem possible; namely, that we do not (at least, not yet) see what the necessary connection is between neural events and conscious mental events. On the one side, we are dealing with scientific third-person concepts and, on the other, we are employing phenomenal concepts. We are, perhaps, simply currently not in a position to understand completely such a necessary connection.
Debate and discussion on all four objections remains very active.

v. Varieties of Materialism

Despite the apparent simplicity of materialism, say, in terms of the identity between mental states and neural states, the fact is that there are many different forms of materialism. While a detailed survey of all varieties is beyond the scope of this entry, it is at least important to acknowledge the commonly drawn distinction between two kinds of “identity theory”: token-token and type-type materialism. Type-type identity theory is the stronger thesis and says that mental properties, such as “having a desire to drink some water” or “being in pain,” are literally identical with a brain property of some kind. Such identities were originally meant to be understood as on a par with, for example, the scientific identity between “being water” and “being composed of H2O” (Place 1956, Smart 1959). However, this view historically came under serious assault due to the fact that it seems to rule out the so-called “multiple realizability” of conscious mental states. The idea is simply that it seems perfectly possible for there to be other conscious beings (e.g., aliens, radically different animals) who can have those same mental states but who also are radically different from us physiologically (Fodor 1974). It seems that commitment to type-type identity theory led to the undesirable result that only organisms with brains like ours can have conscious states. Somewhat more technically, most materialists wish to leave room for the possibility that mental properties can be “instantiated” in different kinds of organisms. (But for more recent defenses of type-type identity theory see Hill and McLaughlin 1999, Papineau 1994, 1995, 1998, Polger 2004.) As a consequence, a more modest “token-token” identity theory has become preferable to many materialists. This view simply holds that each particular conscious mental event in some organism is identical with some particular brain process or event in that organism. This seems to preserve much of what the materialist wants but yet allows for the multiple realizability of conscious states, because both the human and the alien can still have a conscious desire for something to drink while each mental event is identical with a (different) physical state in each organism.

Taking the notion of multiple realizability very seriously has also led many to embrace functionalism, which is the view that conscious mental states should really only be identified with the functional role they play within an organism. For example, conscious pains are defined more in terms of input and output, such as causing bodily damage and avoidance behavior, as well as in terms of their relationship to other mental states. It is normally viewed as a form of materialism since virtually all functionalists also believe, like the token-token theorist, that something physical ultimately realizes that functional state in the organism, but functionalism does not, by itself, entail that materialism is true. Critics of functionalism, however, have long argued that such purely functional accounts cannot adequately explain the essential “feel” of conscious states, or that it seems possible to have two functionally equivalent creatures, one of whom lacks qualia entirely (Block 1980a, 1980b, Chalmers 1996; see also Shoemaker 1975, 1981).

Some materialists even deny the very existence of mind and mental states altogether, at least in the sense that the very concept of consciousness is muddled (Wilkes 1984, 1988) or that the mentalistic notions found in folk psychology, such as desires and beliefs, will eventually be eliminated and replaced by physicalistic terms as neurophysiology matures into the future (Churchland 1983). This is meant as analogous to past similar eliminations based on deeper scientific understanding, for example, we no longer need to speak of “ether” or “phlogiston.” Other eliminativists, more modestly, argue that there is no such thing as qualia when they are defined in certain problematic ways (Dennett 1988).

Finally, it should also be noted that not all materialists believe that conscious mentality can be explained in terms of the physical, at least in the sense that the former cannot be “reduced” to the latter. Materialism is true as an ontological or metaphysical doctrine, but facts about the mind cannot be deduced from facts about the physical world (Boyd 1980, Van Gulick 1992). In some ways, this might be viewed as a relatively harmless variation on materialist themes, but others object to the very coherence of this form of materialism (Kim 1987, 1998). Indeed, the line between such “non-reductive materialism” and property dualism is not always so easy to draw; partly because the entire notion of “reduction” is ambiguous and a very complex topic in its own right. On a related front, some materialists are happy enough to talk about a somewhat weaker “supervenience” relation between mind and matter. Although “supervenience” is a highly technical notion with many variations, the idea is basically one of dependence (instead of identity); for example, that the mental depends on the physical in the sense that any mental change must be accompanied by some physical change (see Kim 1993).

4. Specific Theories of Consciousness

Most specific theories of consciousness tend to be reductionist in some sense. The classic notion at work is that consciousness or individual conscious mental states can be explained in terms of something else or in some other terms. This section will focus on several prominent contemporary reductionist theories. We should, however, distinguish between those who attempt such a reduction directly in physicalistic, such as neurophysiological, terms and those who do so in mentalistic terms, such as by using unconscious mental states or other cognitive notions.

a. Neural Theories

The more direct reductionist approach can be seen in various, more specific, neural theories of consciousness. Perhaps best known is the theory offered by Francis Crick and Christof Koch 1990 (see also Crick 1994, Koch 2004). The basic idea is that mental states become conscious when large numbers of neurons fire in synchrony and all have oscillations within the 35-75 hertz range (that is, 35-75 cycles per second). However, many philosophers and scientists have put forth other candidates for what, specifically, to identify in the brain with consciousness. This vast enterprise has come to be known as the search for the “neural correlates of consciousness” or NCCs (see section 5b below for more). The overall idea is to show how one or more specific kinds of neuro-chemical activity can underlie and explain conscious mental activity (Metzinger 2000). Of course, mere “correlation” is not enough for a fully adequate neural theory and explaining just what counts as a NCC turns out to be more difficult than one might think (Chalmers 2000). Even Crick and Koch have acknowledged that they, at best, provide a necessary condition for consciousness, and that such firing patters are not automatically sufficient for having conscious experience.

b. Representational Theories of Consciousness

Many current theories attempt to reduce consciousness in mentalistic terms. One broadly popular approach along these lines is to reduce consciousness to “mental representations” of some kind. The notion of a “representation” is of course very general and can be applied to photographs, signs, and various natural objects, such as the rings inside a tree. Much of what goes on in the brain, however, might also be understood in a representational way; for example, as mental events representing outer objects partly because they are caused by such objects in, say, cases of veridical visual perception. More specifically, philosophers will often call such representational mental states “intentional states” which have representational content; that is, mental states which are “about something” or “directed at something” as when one has a thought about the house or a perception of the tree. Although intentional states are sometimes contrasted with phenomenal states, such as pains and color experiences, it is clear that many conscious states have both phenomenal and intentional properties, such as visual perceptions. It should be noted that the relation between intentionalilty and consciousness is itself a major ongoing area of dispute with some arguing that genuine intentionality actually presupposes consciousness in some way (Searle 1992, Siewart 1998, Horgan and Tienson 2002) while most representationalists insist that intentionality is prior to consciousness.

The general view that we can explain conscious mental states in terms of representational or intentional states is called “representationalism.” Although not automatically reductionist in spirit, most versions of representationalism do indeed attempt such a reduction. Most representationalists, then, believe that there is room for a kind of “second-step” reduction to be filled in later by neuroscience. The other related motivation for representational theories of consciousness is that many believe that an account of representation or intentionality can more easily be given in naturalistic terms, such as causal theories whereby mental states are understood as representing outer objects in virtue of some reliable causal connection. The idea, then, is that if consciousness can be explained in representational terms and representation can be understood in purely physical terms, then there is the promise of a reductionist and naturalistic theory of consciousness. Most generally, however, we can say that a representationalist will typically hold that the phenomenal properties of experience (that is, the “qualia” or “what it is like of experience” or “phenomenal character”) can be explained in terms of the experiences’ representational properties. Alternatively, conscious mental states have no mental properties other than their representational properties. Two conscious states with all the same representational properties will not differ phenomenally. For example, when I look at the blue sky, what it is like for me to have a conscious experience of the sky is simply identical with my experience’s representation of the blue sky.

i. First-Order Representationalism

A First-order representational (FOR) theory of consciousness is a theory that attempts to explain conscious experience primarily in terms of world-directed (or first-order) intentional states. Probably the two most cited FOR theories of consciousness are those of Fred Dretske (1995) and Michael Tye (1995, 2000), though there are many others as well (e.g., Harman 1990, Kirk 1994, Byrne 2001, Thau 2002, Droege 2003). Tye’s theory is more fully worked out and so will be the focus of this section. Like other FOR theorists, Tye holds that the representational content of my conscious experience (i.e., what my experience is about or directed at) is identical with the phenomenal properties of experience. Aside from reductionistic motivations, Tye and other FOR representationalists often use the somewhat technical notion of the “transparency of experience” as support for their view (Harman 1990). This is an argument based on the phenomenological first-person observation, which goes back to Moore (1903), that when one turns one’s attention away from, say, the blue sky and onto one’s experience itself, one is still only aware of the blueness of the sky. The experience itself is not blue; rather, one “sees right through” one’s experience to its representational properties, and there is nothing else to one’s experience over and above such properties.

Whatever the merits and exact nature of the argument from transparency (see Kind 2003), it is clear, of course, that not all mental representations are conscious, so the key question eventually becomes: What exactly distinguishes conscious from unconscious mental states (or representations)? What makes a mental state a conscious mental state? Here Tye defends what he calls “PANIC theory.” The acronym “PANIC” stands for poised, abstract, non-conceptual, intentional content. Without probing into every aspect of PANIC theory, Tye holds that at least some of the representational content in question is non-conceptual (N), which is to say that the subject can lack the concept for the properties represented by the experience in question, such as an experience of a certain shade of red that one has never seen before. (Actually, the exact nature or even existence of non-conceptual content of experience is itself a highly debated and difficult issue in philosophy of mind. See Gunther 2003.) Conscious states clearly must also have “intentional content” (IC) for any representationalist. Tye also asserts that such content is “abstract” (A) and not necessarily about particular concrete objects. This condition is needed to handle cases of hallucinations, where there are no concrete objects at all or cases where different objects look phenomenally alike. Perhaps most important for mental states to be conscious, however, is that such content must be “poised” (P), which is an importantly functional notion. The “key idea is that experiences and feelings…stand ready and available to make a direct impact on beliefs and/or desires. For example…feeling hungry… has an immediate cognitive effect, namely, the desire to eat….States with nonconceptual content that are not so poised lack phenomenal character [because]…they arise too early, as it were, in the information processing” (Tye 2000: 62).

One objection to Tye’s theory is that it does not really address the hard problem of phenomenal consciousness (see section 3b.i). This is partly because what really seems to be doing most of the work on Tye’s PANIC account is the very functional sounding “poised” notion, which is perhaps closer to Block’s access consciousness (see section 1) and is therefore not necessarily able to explain phenomenal consciousness (see Kriegel 2002). In short, it is difficult to see just how Tye’s PANIC account might not equally apply to unconscious representations and thus how it really explains phenomenal consciousness.

Other standard objections to Tye’s theory as well as to other FOR accounts include the concern that it does not cover all kinds of conscious states. Some conscious states seem not to be “about” anything, such as pains, anxiety, or after-images, and so would be non-representational conscious states. If so, then conscious experience cannot generally be explained in terms of representational properties (Block 1996). Tye responds that pains, itches, and the like do represent, in the sense that they represent parts of the body. And after-images, hallucinations, and the like either misrepresent (which is still a kind of representation) or the conscious subject still takes them to have representational properties from the first-person point of view. Indeed, Tye (2000) admirably goes to great lengths and argues convincingly in response to a whole host of alleged counter-examples to representationalism. Historically among them are various hypothetical cases of inverted qualia (see Shoemaker 1982), the mere possibility of which is sometimes taken as devastating to representationalism. These are cases where behaviorally indistinguishable individuals have inverted color perceptions of objects, such as person A visually experiences a lemon the way that person B experience a ripe tomato with respect to their color, and so on for all yellow and red objects. Isn’t it possible that there are two individuals whose color experiences are inverted with respect to the objects of perception? (For more on the importance of color in philosophy, see Hardin 1986.)
A somewhat different twist on the inverted spectrum is famously put forth in Block’s (1990) Inverted Earth case. On Inverted Earth every object has the complementary color to the one it has here, but we are asked to imagine that a person is equipped with color-inverting lenses and then sent to Inverted Earth completely ignorant of those facts. Since the color inversions cancel out, the phenomenal experiences remain the same, yet there certainly seem to be different representational properties of objects involved. The strategy on the part of critics, in short, is to think of counter-examples (either actual or hypothetical) whereby there is a difference between the phenomenal properties in experience and the relevant representational properties in the world. Such objections can, perhaps, be answered by Tye and others in various ways, but significant debate continues (Macpherson 2005). Intuitions also dramatically differ as to the very plausibility and value of such thought experiments. (For more, see Seager 1999, chapters 6 and 7. See also Chalmers 2004 for an excellent discussion of the dizzying array of possible representationalist positions.)

ii. Higher-Order Representationalism

As we have seen, one question that should be answered by any theory of consciousness is: What makes a mental state a conscious mental state? There is a long tradition that has attempted to understand consciousness in terms of some kind of higher-order awareness. For example, John Locke (1689/1975) once said that “consciousness is the perception of what passes in a man’s own mind.” This intuition has been revived by a number of philosophers (Rosenthal, 1986, 1993b, 1997, 2000, 2004; Gennaro 1996a; Armstrong, 1968, 1981; Lycan, 1996, 2001). In general, the idea is that what makes a mental state conscious is that it is the object of some kind of higher-order representation (HOR). A mental state M becomes conscious when there is a HOR of M. A HOR is a “meta-psychological” state, i.e., a mental state directed at another mental state. So, for example, my desire to write a good encyclopedia entry becomes conscious when I am (non-inferentially) “aware” of the desire. Intuitively, it seems that conscious states, as opposed to unconscious ones, are mental states that I am “aware of” in some sense. Any theory which attempts to explain consciousness in terms of higher-order states is known as a higher-order (HO) theory of consciousness. It is best initially to use the more neutral term “representation” because there are a number of different kinds of higher-order theory, depending upon how one characterizes the HOR in question. HO theories, thus, attempt to explain consciousness in mentalistic terms, that is, by reference to such notions as “thoughts” and “awareness.” Conscious mental states arise when two unconscious mental states are related in a certain specific way; namely, that one of them (the HOR) is directed at the other (M). HO theorists are united in the belief that their approach can better explain consciousness than any purely FOR theory, which has significant difficulty in explaining the difference between unconscious and conscious mental states.

There are various kinds of HO theory with the most common division between higher-order thought (HOT) theories and higher-order perception (HOP) theories. HOT theorists, such as David M. Rosenthal, think it is better to understand the HOR as a thought of some kind. HOTs are treated as cognitive states involving some kind of conceptual component. HOP theorists urge that the HOR is a perceptual or experiential state of some kind (Lycan 1996) which does not require the kind of conceptual content invoked by HOT theorists. Partly due to Kant (1781/1965), HOP theory is sometimes referred to as “inner sense theory” as a way of emphasizing its sensory or perceptual aspect. Although HOT and HOP theorists agree on the need for a HOR theory of consciousness, they do sometimes argue for the superiority of their respective positions (such as in Rosenthal 2004 and Lycan 2004). Some philosophers, however, have argued that the difference between these theories is perhaps not as important or as clear as some think it is (Güzeldere 1995, Gennaro 1996a, Van Gulick 2000).

A common initial objection to HOR theories is that they are circular and lead to an infinite regress. It might seem that the HOT theory results in circularity by defining consciousness in terms of HOTs. It also might seem that an infinite regress results because a conscious mental state must be accompanied by a HOT, which, in turn, must be accompanied by another HOT ad infinitum. However, the standard reply is that when a conscious mental state is a first-order world-directed state the higher-order thought (HOT) is not itself conscious; otherwise, circularity and an infinite regress would follow. When the HOT is itself conscious, there is a yet higher-order (or third-order) thought directed at the second-order state. In this case, we have introspection which involves a conscious HOT directed at an inner mental state. When one introspects, one’s attention is directed back into one’s mind. For example, what makes my desire to write a good entry a conscious first-order desire is that there is a (non-conscious) HOT directed at the desire. In this case, my conscious focus is directed at the entry and my computer screen, so I am not consciously aware of having the HOT from the first-person point of view. When I introspect that desire, however, I then have a conscious HOT (accompanied by a yet higher, third-order, HOT) directed at the desire itself (see Rosenthal 1986).

Peter Carruthers (2000) has proposed another possibility within HO theory; namely, that it is better for various reasons to think of the HOTs as dispositional states instead of the standard view that the HOTs are actual, though he also understands his “dispositional HOT theory” to be a form of HOP theory (Carruthers 2004). The basic idea is that the conscious status of an experience is due to its availability to higher-order thought. So “conscious experience occurs when perceptual contents are fed into a special short-term buffer memory store, whose function is to make those contents available to cause HOTs about themselves.” (Carruthers 2000: 228). Some first-order perceptual contents are available to a higher-order “theory of mind mechanism,” which transforms those representational contents into conscious contents. Thus, no actual HOT occurs. Instead, according to Carruthers, some perceptual states acquire a dual intentional content; for example, a conscious experience of red not only has a first-order content of “red,” but also has the higher-order content “seems red” or “experience of red.” Carruthers also makes interesting use of so-called “consumer semantics” in order to fill out his theory of phenomenal consciousness. The content of a mental state depends, in part, on the powers of the organisms which “consume” that state, e.g., the kinds of inferences which the organism can make when it is in that state. Daniel Dennett (1991) is sometimes credited with an earlier version of a dispositional account (see Carruthers 2000, chapter ten). Carruthers’ dispositional theory is often criticized by those who, among other things, do not see how the mere disposition toward a mental state can render it conscious (Rosenthal 2004; see also Gennaro 2004; for more, see Consciousness, Higher Order Theories of.)

It is worth briefly noting a few typical objections to HO theories (many of which can be found in Byrne 1997): First, and perhaps most common, is that various animals (and even infants) are not likely to have to the conceptual sophistication required for HOTs, and so that would render animal (and infant) consciousness very unlikely (Dretske 1995, Seager 2004). Are cats and dogs capable of having complex higher-order thoughts such as “I am in mental state M”? Although most who bring forth this objection are not HO theorists, Peter Carruthers (1989) is one HO theorist who actually embraces the conclusion that (most) animals do not have phenomenal consciousness. Gennaro (1993, 1996) has replied to Carruthers on this point; for example, it is argued that the HOTs need not be as sophisticated as it might initially appear and there is ample comparative neurophysiological evidence supporting the conclusion that animals have conscious mental states. Most HO theorists do not wish to accept the absence of animal or infant consciousness as a consequence of holding the theory. The debate continues, however, in Carruthers (2000, 2005) and Gennaro (2004).

A second objection has been referred to as the “problem of the rock” (Stubenberg 1998) and the “generality problem” (Van Gulick 2000, 2004), but it is originally due to Alvin Goldman (Goldman 1993). When I have a thought about a rock, it is certainly not true that the rock becomes conscious. So why should I suppose that a mental state becomes conscious when I think about it? This is puzzling to many and the objection forces HO theorists to explain just how adding the HO state changes an unconscious state into a conscious. There have been, however, a number of responses to this kind of objection (Rosenthal 1997, Lycan, 1996, Van Gulick 2000, 2004, Gennaro 2005). A common theme is that there is a principled difference in the objects of the HO states in question. Rocks and the like are not mental states in the first place, and so HO theorists are first and foremost trying to explain how a mental state becomes conscious. The objects of the HO states must be “in the head.”
Third, the above leads somewhat naturally to an objection related to Chalmers’ hard problem (section 3b.i). It might be asked just how exactly any HO theory really explains the subjective or phenomenal aspect of conscious experience. How or why does a mental state come to have a first-person qualitative “what it is like” aspect by virtue of the presence of a HOR directed at it? It is probably fair to say that HO theorists have been slow to address this problem, though a number of overlapping responses have emerged (see also Gennaro 2005 for more extensive treatment). Some argue that this objection misconstrues the main and more modest purpose of (at least, their) HO theories. The claim is that HO theories are theories of consciousness only in the sense that they are attempting to explain what differentiates conscious from unconscious states, i.e., in terms of a higher-order awareness of some kind. A full account of “qualitative properties” or “sensory qualities” (which can themselves be non-conscious) can be found elsewhere in their work, but is independent of their theory of consciousness (Rosenthal 1991, Lycan 1996, 2001). Thus, a full explanation of phenomenal consciousness does require more than a HO theory, but that is no objection to HO theories as such. Another response is that proponents of the hard problem unjustly raise the bar as to what would count as a viable explanation of consciousness so that any such reductivist attempt would inevitably fall short (Carruthers 2000). Part of the problem, then, is a lack of clarity about what would even count as an explanation of consciousness (Van Gulick 1995; see also section 3b). Moreover, anyone familiar with the literature knows that there are significant terminological difficulties in the use of various crucial terms which sometimes inhibits genuine progress (but see Byrne 2004 for some helpful clarification).

A fourth important objection to HO approaches is the question of how such theories can explain cases where the HO state might misrepresent the lower-order (LO) mental state (Byrne 1997, Neander 1998, Levine 2001). After all, if we have a representational relation between two states, it seems possible for misrepresentation or malfunction to occur. If it does, then what explanation can be offered by the HO theorist? If my LO state registers a red percept and my HO state registers a thought about something green due, say, to some neural misfiring, then what happens? It seems that problems loom for any answer given by a HO theorist and the cause of the problem has to do with the very nature of the HO theorist’s belief that there is a representational relation between the LO and HO states. For example, if the HO theorist takes the option that the resulting conscious experience is reddish, then it seems that the HO state plays no role in determining the qualitative character of the experience. This objection forces HO theorists to be clearer about just how to view the relationship between the LO and HO states. (For one reply, see Gennaro 2004.) Debate is ongoing and significant both on varieties of HO theory and in terms of the above objections (see Gennaro 2004a). There is also interdisciplinary interest in how various HO theories might be realized in the brain.

iii. Hybrid Representational Accounts

A related and increasingly popular version of representational theory holds that the meta-psychological state in question should be understood as intrinsic to (or part of) an overall complex conscious state. This stands in contrast to the standard view that the HO state is extrinsic to (i.e., entirely distinct from) its target mental state. The assumption, made by Rosenthal for example, about the extrinsic nature of the meta-thought has increasingly come under attack, and thus various hybrid representational theories can be found in the literature. One motivation for this movement is growing dissatisfaction with standard HO theory’s ability to handle some of the objections addressed in the previous section. Another reason is renewed interest in a view somewhat closer to the one held by Franz Brentano (1874/1973) and various other followers, normally associated with the phenomenological tradition (Husserl 1913/1931, 1929/1960; Sartre 1956; see also Smith 1986, 2004). To varying degrees, these views have in common the idea that conscious mental states, in some sense, represent themselves, which then still involves having a thought about a mental state, just not a distinct or separate state. Thus, when one has a conscious desire for a cold glass of water, one is also aware that one is in that very state. The conscious desire both represents the glass of water and itself. It is this “self-representing” which makes the state conscious.
These theories can go by various names, which sometimes seem in conflict, and have added significantly in recent years to the acronyms which abound in the literature. For example, Gennaro (1996a, 2002, 2004, 2006) has argued that, when one has a first-order conscious state, the HOT is better viewed as intrinsic to the target state, so that we have a complex conscious state with parts. Gennaro calls this the “wide intrinsicality view” (WIV) and he also argues that Jean-Paul Sartre’s theory of consciousness can be understood in this way (Gennaro 2002).

Gennaro holds that conscious mental states should be understood (as Kant might have today) as global brain states which are combinations of passively received perceptual input and presupposed higher-order conceptual activity directed at that input. Higher-order concepts in the meta-psychological thoughts are presupposed in having first-order conscious states. Robert Van Gulick (2000, 2004, 2006) has also explored the alternative that the HO state is part of an overall global conscious state. He calls such states “HOGS” (Higher-Order Global States) whereby a lower-order unconscious state is “recruited” into a larger state, which becomes conscious partly due to the implicit self-awareness that one is in the lower-order state. Both Gennaro and Van Gulick have suggested that conscious states can be understood materialistically as global states of the brain, and it would be better to treat the first-order state as part of the larger complex brain state. This general approach is also forcefully advocated in a series of papers by Uriah Kriegel (such as Kriegel 2003a, 2003b, 2005, 2006) and is even the subject of an entire anthology debating its merits (Kriegel and Williford 2006). Kriegel has used several different names for his “neo-Brentanian theory,” such as the SOMT (Same-Order Monitoring Theory) and, more recently, the “self-representational theory of consciousness.” To be sure, the notion of a mental state representing itself or a mental state with one part representing another part is in need of further development and is perhaps somewhat mysterious. Nonetheless, there is agreement among these authors that conscious mental states are, in some important sense, reflexive or self-directed. And, once again, there is keen interest in developing this model in a way that coheres with the latest neurophysiological research on consciousness. A point of emphasis is on the concept of global meta-representation within a complex brain state, and attempts are underway to identify just how such an account can be realized in the brain.

It is worth mentioning that this idea was also briefly explored by Thomas Metzinger who focused on the fact that consciousness “is something that unifies or synthesizes experience” (Metzinger 1995: 454). Metzinger calls this the process of “higher-order binding” and thus uses the acronym HOB. Others who hold some form of the self-representational view include Kobes (1995), Caston (2002), Williford (2006), Brook and Raymont (2006), and even Carruthers’ (2000) theory can be viewed in this light since he contends that conscious states have two representational contents. Thomas Natsoulas also has a series of papers defending a similar view, beginning with Natsoulas 1996. Some authors (such as Gennaro) view this hybrid position to be a modified version of HOT theory; indeed, Rosenthal (2004) has called it “intrinsic higher-order theory.” Van Gulick also clearly wishes to preserve the HO is his HOGS. Others, such as Kriegel, are not inclined to call their views “higher-order” at all. To some extent, this is a terminological dispute, but, despite important similarities, there are also subtle differences between these hybrid alternatives. Like HO theorists, however, those who advocate this general approach all take very seriously the notion that a conscious mental state M is a state that subject S is (non-inferentially) aware that S is in. By contrast, one is obviously not aware of one’s unconscious mental states. Thus, there are various attempts to make sense of and elaborate upon this key intuition in a way that is, as it were, “in-between” standard FO and HO theory. (See also Lurz 2003 and 2004 for yet another interesting hybrid account.)

c. Other Cognitive Theories

Aside from the explicitly representational approaches discussed above, there are also related attempts to explain consciousness in other cognitive terms. The two most prominent such theories are worth describing here:
Daniel Dennett (1991, 2005) has put forth what he calls the Multiple Drafts Model (MDM) of consciousness. Although similar in some ways to representationalism, Dennett is most concerned that materialists avoid falling prey to what he calls the “myth of the Cartesian theater,” the notion that there is some privileged place in the brain where everything comes together to produce conscious experience. Instead, the MDM holds that all kinds of mental activity occur in the brain by parallel processes of interpretation, all of which are under frequent revision. The MDM rejects the idea of some “self” as an inner observer; rather, the self is the product or construction of a narrative which emerges over time. Dennett is also well known for rejecting the very assumption that there is a clear line to be drawn between conscious and unconscious mental states in terms of the problematic notion of “qualia.” He influentially rejects strong emphasis on any phenomenological or first-person approach to investigating consciousness, advocating instead what he calls “heterophenomenology” according to which we should follow a more neutral path “leading from objective physical science and its insistence on the third person point of view, to a method of phenomenological description that can (in principle) do justice to the most private and ineffable subjective experiences.” (1991: 72)

Bernard Baars’ Global Workspace Theory (GWT) model of consciousness is probably the most influential theory proposed among psychologists (Baars 1988, 1997). The basic idea and metaphor is that we should think of the entire cognitive system as built on a “blackboard architecture” which is a kind of global workspace. According to GWT, unconscious processes and mental states compete for the spotlight of attention, from which information is “broadcast globally” throughout the system. Consciousness consists in such global broadcasting and is therefore also, according to Baars, an important functional and biological adaptation. We might say that consciousness is thus created by a kind of global access to select bits of information in the brain and nervous system. Despite Baars’ frequent use of “theater” and “spotlight” metaphors, he argues that his view does not entail the presence of the material Cartesian theater that Dennett is so concerned to avoid. It is, in any case, an empirical matter just how the brain performs the functions he describes, such as detecting mechanisms of attention.

Objections to these cognitive theories include the charge that they do not really address the hard problem of consciousness (as described in section 3b.i), but only the “easy” problems. Dennett is also often accused of explaining away consciousness rather than really explaining it. It is also interesting to think about Baars’ GWT in light of the Block’s distinction between access and phenomenal consciousness (see section 1). Does Baars’ theory only address access consciousness instead of the more difficult to explain phenomenal consciousness? (Two other psychological cognitive theories worth noting are the ones proposed by George Mandler 1975 and Tim Shallice 1988.)

d. Quantum Approaches

Finally, there are those who look deep beneath the neural level to the field of quantum mechanics, basically the study of sub-atomic particles, to find the key to unlocking the mysteries of consciousness. The bizarre world of quantum physics is quite different from the deterministic world of classical physics, and a major area of research in its own right. Such authors place the locus of consciousness at a very fundamental physical level. This somewhat radical, though exciting, option is explored most notably by physicist Roger Penrose (1989, 1994) and anesthesiologist Stuart Hameroff (1998). The basic idea is that consciousness arises through quantum effects which occur in subcellular neural structures known as microtubules, which are structural proteins in cell walls. There are also other quantum approaches which aim to explain the coherence of consciousness (Marshall and Zohar 1990) or use the “holistic” nature of quantum mechanics to explain consciousness (Silberstein 1998, 2001). It is difficult to assess these somewhat exotic approaches at present. Given the puzzling and often very counterintuitive nature of quantum physics, it is unclear whether such approaches will prove genuinely scientifically valuable methods in explaining consciousness. One concern is simply that these authors are trying to explain one puzzling phenomenon (consciousness) in terms of another mysterious natural phenomenon (quantum effects). Thus, the thinking seems to go, perhaps the two are essentially related somehow and other physicalistic accounts are looking in the wrong place, such as at the neuro-chemical level. Although many attempts to explain consciousness often rely of conjecture or speculation, quantum approaches may indeed lead the field along these lines. Of course, this doesn’t mean that some such theory isn’t correct. One exciting aspect of this approach is the resulting interdisciplinary interest it has generated among physicists and other scientists in the problem of consciousness.

5. Consciousness and Science: Key Issues

Over the past two decades there has been an explosion of interdisciplinary work in the science of consciousness. Some of the credit must go to the ground breaking 1986 book by Patricia Churchland entitled Neurophilosophy. In this section, three of the most important such areas are addressed.

a. The Unity of Consciousness/The Binding Problem

Conscious experience seems to be “unified” in an important sense; this crucial feature of consciousness played an important role in the philosophy of Kant who argued that unified conscious experience must be the product of the (presupposed) synthesizing work of the mind. Getting clear about exactly what is meant by the “unity of consciousness” and explaining how the brain achieves such unity has become a central topic in the study of consciousness. There are, no doubt, many different senses of “unity” (see Tye 2003; Bayne and Chalmers 2003), but perhaps most common is the notion that, from the first-person point of view, we experience the world in an integrated way and as a single phenomenal field of experience. (For an important anthology on the subject, see Cleeremans 2003.) However, when one looks at how the brain processes information, one only sees discrete regions of the cortex processing separate aspects of perceptual objects. Even different aspects of the same object, such as its color and shape, are processed in different parts of the brain. Given that there is no “Cartesian theater” in the brain where all this information comes together, the problem arises as to just how the resulting conscious experience is unified. What mechanisms allow us to experience the world in such a unified way? What happens when this unity breaks down, as in various pathological cases? The “problem of integrating the information processed by different regions of the brain is known as the binding problem” (Cleeremans 2003: 1). Thus, the so-called “binding problem” is inextricably linked to explaining the unity of consciousness. As was seen earlier with neural theories (section 4a) and as will be seen below on the neural correlates of consciousness (5b), some attempts to solve the binding problem have to do with trying to isolate the precise brain mechanisms responsible for consciousness. For example, Crick and Koch’s (1990) idea that synchronous neural firings are (at least) necessary for consciousness can also be viewed as an attempt to explain how disparate neural networks bind together separate pieces of information to produce unified subjective conscious experience. Perhaps the binding problem and the hard problem of consciousness (section 3b.i) are very closely connected. If the binding problem can be solved, then we arguably have identified the elusive neural correlate of consciousness and have, therefore, perhaps even solved the hard problem. In addition, perhaps the explanatory gap between third-person scientific knowledge and first-person unified conscious experience can also be bridged. Thus, this exciting area of inquiry is central to some of the deepest questions in the philosophical and scientific exploration of consciousness.

b. The Neural Correlates of Consciousness (NCCs)

As was seen earlier in discussing neural theories of consciousness (section 4a), the search for the so-called “neural correlates of consciousness” (NCCs) is a major preoccupation of philosophers and scientists alike (Metzinger 2000). Narrowing down the precise brain property responsible for consciousness is a different and far more difficult enterprise than merely holding a generic belief in some form of materialism. One leading candidate is offered by Francis Crick and Christof Koch 1990 (see also Crick 1994, Koch 2004). The basic idea is that mental states become conscious when large numbers of neurons all fire in synchrony with one another (oscillations within the 35-75 hertz range or 35-75 cycles per second). Currently, one method used is simply to study some aspect of neural functioning with sophisticated detecting equipments (such as MRIs and PET scans) and then correlate it with first-person reports of conscious experience. Another method is to study the difference in brain activity between those under anesthesia and those not under any such influence. A detailed survey would be impossible to give here, but a number of other candidates for the NCC have emerged over the past two decades, including reentrant cortical feedback loops in the neural circuitry throughout the brain (Edelman 1989, Edelman and Tononi 2000), NMDA-mediated transient neural assemblies (Flohr 1995), and emotive somatosensory haemostatic processes in the frontal lobe (Damasio 1999). To elaborate briefly on Flohr’s theory, the idea is that anesthetics destroy conscious mental activity because they interfere with the functioning of NMDA synapses between neurons, which are those that are dependent on N-methyl-D-aspartate receptors. These and other NCCs are explored at length in Metzinger (2000). Ongoing scientific investigation is significant and an important aspect of current scientific research in the field.

One problem with some of the above candidates is determining exactly how they are related to consciousness. For example, although a case can be made that some of them are necessary for conscious mentality, it is unclear that they are sufficient. That is, some of the above seem to occur unconsciously as well. And pinning down a narrow enough necessary condition is not as easy as it might seem. Another general worry is with the very use of the term “correlate.” As any philosopher, scientist, and even undergraduate student should know, saying that “A is correlated with B” is rather weak (though it is an important first step), especially if one wishes to establish the stronger identity claim between consciousness and neural activity. Even if such a correlation can be established, we cannot automatically conclude that there is an identity relation. Perhaps A causes B or B causes A, and that’s why we find the correlation. Even most dualists can accept such interpretations. Maybe there is some other neural process C which causes both A and B. “Correlation” is not even the same as “cause,” let alone enough to establish “identity.” Finally, some NCCs are not even necessarily put forth as candidates for all conscious states, but rather for certain specific kinds of consciousness (e.g., visual).

c. Philosophical Psychopathology

Philosophers have long been intrigued by disorders of the mind and consciousness. Part of the interest is presumably that if we can understand how consciousness goes wrong, then that can help us to theorize about the normal functioning mind. Going back at least as far as John Locke (1689/1975), there has been some discussion about the philosophical implications of multiple personality disorder (MPD) which is now called “dissociative identity disorder” (DID). Questions abound: Could there be two centers of consciousness in one body? What makes a person the same person over time? What makes a person a person at any given time? These questions are closely linked to the traditional philosophical problem of personal identity, which is also importantly related to some aspects of consciousness research. Much the same can be said for memory disorders, such as various forms of amnesia (see Gennaro 1996a, chapter 9). Does consciousness require some kind of autobiographical memory or psychological continuity? On a related front, there is significant interest in experimental results from patients who have undergone a commisurotomy, which is usually performed to relieve symptoms of severe epilepsy when all else fails. During this procedure, the nerve fibers connecting the two brain hemispheres are cut, resulting in so-called “split-brain” patients.

Philosophical interest is so high that there is now a book series called Philosophical Psychopathology published by MIT Press. Another rich source of information comes from the provocative and accessible writings of neurologists on a whole host of psychopathologies, most notably Oliver Sacks (starting with his 1987 book) and, more recently, V. S. Ramachandran (2004; see also Ramachandran and Blakeslee 1998). Another launching point came from the discovery of the phenomenon known as “blindsight” (Weiskrantz 1986), which is very frequently discussed in the philosophical literature regarding its implications for consciousness. Blindsight patients are blind in a well defined part of the visual field (due to cortical damage), but yet, when forced, can guess, with a higher than expected degree of accuracy, the location or orientation of an object in the blind field.

There is also philosophical interest in many other disorders, such as phantom limb pain (where one feels pain in a missing or amputated limb), various agnosias (such as visual agnosia where one is not capable of visually recognizing everyday objects), and anosognosia (which is denial of illness, such as when one claims that a paralyzed limb is still functioning, or when one denies that one is blind). These phenomena raise a number of important philosophical questions and have forced philosophers to rethink some very basic assumptions about the nature of mind and consciousness. Much has also recently been learned about autism and various forms of schizophrenia. A common view is that these disorders involve some kind of deficit in self-consciousness or in one’s ability to use certain self-concepts. (For a nice review article, see Graham 2002.) Synesthesia is also a fascinating abnormal phenomenon, although not really a “pathological” condition as such (Cytowic 2003). Those with synesthesia literally have taste sensations when seeing certain shapes or have color sensations when hearing certain sounds. It is thus an often bizarre mixing of incoming sensory input via different modalities.
One of the exciting results of this relatively new sub-field is the important interdisciplinary interest that it has generated among philosophers, psychologists, and scientists.

6. Animal and Machine Consciousness

Two final areas of interest involve animal and machine consciousness. In the former case it is clear that we have come a long way from the Cartesian view that animals are mere “automata” and that they do not even have conscious experience (perhaps partly because they do not have immortal souls). In addition to the obviously significant behavioral similarities between humans and many animals, much more is known today about other physiological similarities, such as brain and DNA structures. To be sure, there are important differences as well and there are, no doubt, some genuinely difficult “grey areas” where one might have legitimate doubts about some animal or organism consciousness, such as small rodents, some birds and fish, and especially various insects.

Nonetheless, it seems fair to say that most philosophers today readily accept the fact that a significant portion of the animal kingdom is capable of having conscious mental states, though there are still notable exceptions to that rule (Carruthers 2000, 2005). Of course, this is not to say that various animals can have all of the same kinds of sophisticated conscious states enjoyed by human beings, such as reflecting on philosophical and mathematical problems, enjoying artworks, thinking about the vast universe or the distant past, and so on. However, it still seems reasonable to believe that animals can have at least some conscious states from rudimentary pains to various perceptual states and perhaps even to some level of self-consciousness. A number of key areas are under continuing investigation. For example, to what extent can animals recognize themselves, such as in a mirror, in order to demonstrate some level of self-awareness? To what extent can animals deceive or empathize with other animals, either of which would indicate awareness of the minds of others? These and other important questions are at the center of much current theorizing about animal cognition. (See Keenan et. al. 2003 and Beckoff et. al. 2002.) In some ways, the problem of knowing about animal minds is an interesting sub-area of the traditional epistemological “problem of other minds”: How do we even know that other humans have conscious minds? What justifies such a belief?

The possibility of machine (or robot) consciousness has intrigued philosophers and non-philosophers alike for decades. Could a machine really think or be conscious? Could a robot really subjectively experience the smelling of a rose or the feeling of pain? One important early launching point was a well-known paper by the mathematician Alan Turing (1950) which proposed what has come to be known as the “Turing test” for machine intelligence and thought (and perhaps consciousness as well). The basic idea is that if a machine could fool an interrogator (who could not see the machine) into thinking that it was human, then we should say it thinks or, at least, has intelligence. However, Turing was probably overly optimistic about whether anything even today can pass the Turing Test, as most programs are specialized and have very narrow uses. One cannot ask the machine about virtually anything, as Turing had envisioned. Moreover, even if a machine or robot could pass the Turing Test, many remain very skeptical as to whether or not this demonstrates genuine machine thinking, let alone consciousness. For one thing, many philosophers would not take such purely behavioral (e.g., linguistic) evidence to support the conclusion that machines are capable of having phenomenal first person experiences. Merely using words like “red” doesn’t ensure that there is the corresponding sensation of red or real grasp of the meaning of “red.” Turing himself considered numerous objections and offered his own replies, many of which are still debated today.

Another much discussed argument is John Searle’s (1980) famous Chinese Room Argument, which has spawned an enormous amount of literature since its original publication (see also Searle 1984; Preston and Bishop 2002). Searle is concerned to reject what he calls “strong AI” which is the view that suitably programmed computers literally have a mind, that is, they really understand language and actually have other mental capacities similar to humans. This is contrasted with “weak AI” which is the view that computers are merely useful tools for studying the mind. The gist of Searle’s argument is that he imagines himself running a program for using Chinese and then shows that he does not understand Chinese; therefore, strong AI is false; that is, running the program does not result in any real understanding (or thought or consciousness, by implication). Searle supports his argument against strong AI by utilizing a thought experiment whereby he is in a room and follows English instructions for manipulating Chinese symbols in order to produce appropriate answers to questions in Chinese. Searle argues that, despite the appearance of understanding Chinese (say, from outside the room), he does not understand Chinese at all. He does not thereby know Chinese, but is merely manipulating symbols on the basis of syntax alone. Since this is what computers do, no computer, merely by following a program, genuinely understands anything. Searle replies to numerous possible criticisms in his original paper (which also comes with extensive peer commentary), but suffice it to say that not everyone is satisfied with his responses. For example, it might be argued that the entire room or “system” understands Chinese if we are forced to use Searle’s analogy and thought experiment. Each part of the room doesn’t understand Chinese (including Searle himself) but the entire system does, which includes the instructions and so on. Searle’s larger argument, however, is that one cannot get semantics (meaning) from syntax (formal symbol manipulation).

Despite heavy criticism of the argument, two central issues are raised by Searle which continue to be of deep interest. First, how and when does one distinguish mere “simulation” of some mental activity from genuine “duplication”? Searle’s view is that computers are, at best, merely simulating understanding and thought, not really duplicating it. Much like we might say that a computerized hurricane simulation does not duplicate a real hurricane, Searle insists the same goes for any alleged computer “mental” activity. We do after all distinguish between real diamonds or leather and mere simulations which are just not the real thing. Second, and perhaps even more important, when considering just why computers really can’t think or be conscious, Searle interestingly reverts back to a biologically based argument. In essence, he says that computers or robots are just not made of the right stuff with the right kind of “causal powers” to produce genuine thought or consciousness. After all, even a materialist does not have to allow that any kind of physical stuff can produce consciousness any more than any type of physical substance can, say, conduct electricity. Of course, this raises a whole host of other questions which go to the heart of the metaphysics of consciousness. To what extent must an organism or system be physiologically like us in order to be conscious? Why is having a certain biological or chemical make up necessary for consciousness? Why exactly couldn’t an appropriately built robot be capable of having conscious mental states? How could we even know either way? However one answers these questions, it seems that building a truly conscious Commander Data is, at best, still just science fiction.

In any case, the growing areas of cognitive science and artificial intelligence are major fields within philosophy of mind and can importantly bear on philosophical questions of consciousness. Much of current research focuses on how to program a computer to model the workings of the human brain, such as with so-called “neural (or connectionist) networks.”
7. References and Further Reading

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Rocco J. Gennaro, Email: rocco@indstate.edu, Indiana State University

Cognition, Consciousness, and Physics

Posted on April 20th, 2007 in Rationality & Science by Dr Rationalist

REVIEW OF: Roger Penrose (1994) Shadows of the Mind. New York: Oxford University Press.

1. Introduction

1.1 Physics is surely the most beautiful of the sciences, and it is esthetically tempting to suppose that two of the great scientific mysteries we confront today, observer effects in quantum mechanics and conscious experience, are in fact the same. Roger Penrose is an admirable contributor to modern physics and mathematics, and his new book, Shadows of the Mind (SOTM) offers us some brilliant intellectual fireworks — which for me at least, faded rapidly on further examination.

1.2 I felt disappointed for several reasons, but one obvious one: Is consciousness really a physics problem? Penrose writes,

A scientific world-view which does not profoundly come to terms with the problem of conscious minds can have no serious pretensions of completeness. Consciousness is part of our universe, so any physical theory which makes no proper place for it falls fundamentally short of providing a genuine description of the world. I would maintain that there is yet no physical, biological, or computational theory that comes very close to explaining our consciousness … (emphasis added)

1.3 Having spent 17 years of my life trying to do precisely what Penrose suggests has not and cannot be done, this point was a bit disconcerting. But even more surprising was the claim that consciousness is a problem in physics. The conscious beings we see around us are the products of billions of years of biological evolution. We interact with them — with each other — at a level that is best described as psychological. All of our evidence regarding consciousness depends upon reports of personal experiences, and observation of our own perception, memories, attention, imagery, and the like. The evidence therefore would seem to be exclusively psychobiological. We will come back to this question.

1.4 The argument in SOTM comes down to two theses and a statement of faith. The first thesis I will call the “Turing Impossibility Proof,” and the second, the “Quantum Promissory Note”. The statement of faith involves classical Platonism of the mathematical variety, founded in a sense of certainty and wonder at the amazing success of mathematical thought over the last 25 centuries, and the extraordinary ability of mathematical formalisms to yield deep insight into scientific questions (SOTM, p. 413). This view may be captured by Einstein’s well-known saying that “the miraculous thing about the universe is that it is comprehensible.” While I share Penrose’s admiration for mathematics, I do not believe in the absolute nature of mathematical thought, which leads him to postulate a realm of special conscious insight requiring no empirical investigation to be understood.

1.5 After considering the argument of SOTM I will briefly sketch the current scientific alternative, the emerging psychobiology of consciousness (see Baars, 1988, 1994; Edelman, 1989; Newman and Baars, 1993; Schacter, 1990; Gazzaniga, 1994). Though the large body of current evidence can be stated in purely objective terms, I will strive to demonstrate the phenomena by appealling to the reader’s personal experience, such as your consciousness of the words on this page, the inner speech that often goes with the act of reading carefully, and so on. Such demonstrations help to establish the fact that we are indeed talking about consciousness as such.

2. Has Science Failed To Understand Consciousness?

2.1 Central to SOTM is Penrose’s contention that contemporary science has failed to understand consciousness. There is more than a little truth to that — if we exclude the last decade — but it is based on a great historical misunderstanding: It assumes that psychologists and biologists have tried to understand human experience with anything like the persistence and talent routinely devoted to memory, language, and perception. The plain fact is that we have not treated the issue seriously until very recently. It may be difficult for physicists to understand this — current physics does not seem to be intimidated by anything — but the subject of conscious experience, the great core question of traditional philosophy, has simply been taboo in psychology and biology for most of this century. I agree with John Searle that this is a scandalous fact, which should be a great source of embarassment to us in cognitive psychology and neuroscience. But no one familiar with the field could doubt it. As Crick and Koch (1992) have written, “For many years after James penned The Principles of Psychology (1890) . . most cognitive scientists ignored consciousness, as did almost all neuroscientists. The problem was felt to be either purely “philosophical” or too elusive to study experimentally. . . In our opinion, such timidity is ridiculous.”

2.2 Fortunately the era of avoidance is visibly fading. First-order theories are now available, and have not by any means been disproved (Baars,1983, 1988, and in press; Crick & Koch, 1992; Edelman, 1989; Gazzaniga, 1994; Schacter, 1990; Kinsbourne, 1993; etc.). In fact, there are significant commonalities among contemporary theories of consciousness, so that one could imagine a single, integrative hybrid theory with relative ease. But Penrose does not deal with this literature at all.

2.3 Has science failed, and do we need a scientific revolution? Given the fact that we have barely begun to apply normal science to the topic, Penrose’s call for a scientific revolution seems premature at best. There is yet nothing to revolt against. Of course we should be ready to challenge our current assumptions. But it has not been established by any means that ordinary garden-variety conscious experience cannot be explained through a diligent pursuit of normal science.

3. A Critique Of The Turing “Impossibility Proof”

3.1 Impossibility arguments have a mixed record in science. On one side is the proof scribbled on the back of an envelope by physicists in the Manhattan Project, showing that the first enriched uranium explosion would not trigger a chain reaction destroying the planet. But notice that this was not a purely mathematical proof; it was a physical-chemical-mathematical reductio, with a very well-established, indispensible empirical basis. On the side of pure mathematics, we have such historical examples as Bishop Berkeley’s disproof of Newton’s use of infinitesimals in the calculus. Berkeley was mathematically right but the point was empirically irrelevant; physicists used the flawed calculus for two hundred years with great scientific success, until just before 1900 the paradox was resolved by the discovery of converging series.

3.2 Even more empirically irrelevant was Zeno’s famous Paradox, which seemed to show that we cannot walk a whole step, since we must first cover half a step, then half of half a step, then half of the remaining distance, and the like, never reaching the whole intended step. Zeno of Elea used this clever argument to prove to the astonishment of the world that motion was impossible. But that did not paralyze commerce. Ships sailed, people walked, and camels trudged calmly on their way doing the formally impossible thing for a couple of thousand years until the formal solution emerged. And of course we have more than a century of mathematical reductios claiming that Darwinian evolution is impossible if you combine all the a priori probabilities of carbon chains evolving into DNA and ending up with thee and me. These reductios on behalf of divine Creation still appear with regularity, but the biological evidence is so strong that they are not even considered.

3.3 The problem is of course that a mathematical model is only as good as its assumptions, and those depend upon the quality of the evidence. The whole Turing Machine debate and its putative implications for consciousness is in my opinion a great distraction from the sober scientific job of gathering evidence and developing theory about the psychobiology of consciousness (e.g., Baars, 1988; 1994). The notion that the Turing argument actually tells us something scientifically useful is amazingly vulnerable. After all, the theory assumes an abstract automaton blessed with infinite time, infinite memory, and an environment that imposes no resource constraints. The brain is a massively parallel organ with 100 billion simultaneously active neurons, but the Turing Machine is at the extreme end of serial machines. This appears to be the reason why discussion of the Turing topic appears nowhere in the psychobiological literature. It seems primarily limited to philosophy and the general intellectual media.

3.4 Finally, it turns out that all current cognitive and neural models are formal Turing equivalents. That means the mathematical theory is useless in the critical task of choosing between models that are quite different computationally and on the evidence. It does not distinguish between neural nets and symbolic architectures for example, as radically different as they are in practice. But that is exactly the challenge we face today: choosing between theories based on their fit with the evidence. Here the theory of automata is no help at all.

3.5 A small but telling fact about Penrose’s book caught my attention: of its more than 400 references, fewer than forty address the psychology or biology of consciousness. But all our evidence on the subject is psychological and, to a lesser extent, biological! It appears that Penrose’s topic is not consciousness in the ordinary psychoneural sense, like waking up in the morning from a deep sleep or listening to music. How the positive proposals in SOTM relate to normal psychobiological consciousness is only addressed in terms of a technical hypothesis. Stuart Hameroff, an anesthesiologist at the University of Arizona currently working with Penrose, has proposed that general anesthetics interact with neurons via quantum level events in neural microtubules, which transport chemicals down axons and dendrites. It is an interesting idea, but it is by no means accepted, and there are many alternative hypotheses about anesthetics. But it is a real hypothesis: testable, relevant to the issue of consciousness, and directly aimed at the quantum level.

3.6 Penrose calls attention to the inability of Turing Machines to know when to stop a possibly nonterminating computation. This is a form of the Goedel Theorem, from which Penrose draws the following conclusion: “Human mathematicians are not using a knowably sound algorithm in order to ascertain mathematical truth.” That is to say, if humans can propose a Halting Rule which turns out to be demonstrably correct, and if we take Turing Machines as models of mathematicians, then the ability of mathematicians to come up with Halting Rules shows that their mental processes are not Turing-computable.

3.7 I’m troubled by this argument, because all of the cognitive studies I know of human formal reasoning and logic show that humans will take any shortcut available to find a plausible answer for a formal problem; actually following out formalisms mentally is rare in practice, even among scientists and engineers. Human beings are not algorithmic creatures; they prefer by far to use heuristic, fly-by-the-seat-of-your-pants analogies to situations they know well. Even experts typically use heuristic shortcuts. Furthermore, the apparent reductio of Penrose’s claim has a straightforward alternative explanation, namely that one of the premises is plain wrong. The implication psychologically is not that people are fancier than any Turing Machine, but that they are much sloppier that any explicit algorithm, and yet do quite well in many cases.

3.8 The fact that people can walk is an effective counter to Zeno’s Paradox. The fact that people can talk in sentences was Chomsky’s counter to stimulus-response theories of language. Now we know that people can in many cases find Halting Rules. It’s not that human processes are noncomputible by a real computer — numerous mental processes have been simulated with computers, including some formidable ones like playing competitive chess — but rather that the formal straightjacket of Turing Machinery is simply the wrong model to apply. This is the fallacy in trying to attribute rigorous all-or-none logical reasoning to ordinary human beings, who are pragmatic, heuristic, cost-benefit gamblers when it comes to solving formal problems.

3.9 Penrose proceeds to deduce that consciousness is noncomputable by Turing standards. But even this claim is based only on intuition; the argument has the form, “mathematicians have an astonishingly good record gaining fundamental insights into a variety of formal systems; this is obviously impossible for a Turing automaton; hence mathematicians themselves cannot be modeled by such automatons.” From a psychobiological point of view the success of mathematical intuition is more likely reflect the nervous system’s excellent heuristics for discovering patterns in the world. The brain appears to have sophisticated knowledge of space, for example, which may in turn allow deep geometrical intuitions to occur with great accuracy in talented individuals. In effect, we may put a billion years of brain evolution of spatial processing to good use if we are fortunate enough to be mathematically talented.

4. The Quantum Promissory Note

4.1 Having proved that Turing machines cannot account for mathematical intuition, Penrose develops the idea that Quantum Mechanics will provide a solution. QM is the crown jewel of modern theoretical physics, an endless source of insight and speculation. It shows extraordinary observer paradoxes. Consciousness is a mysterious something human observers have, and many people leap to the inference that the two observer mysteries must be the same. But this is at best a leap of faith. It is much too facile: observations of quantum events are not made directly by human beings but by such devices as Geiger counters with no consciousness in any reasonable sense of the word. Conscious experience so far as we know is limited to huge biological nervous systems, produced over a billion years of evolution.

4.2 There is no precedent for physicists deriving from QM any macrolevel phenomenon such as a chair or a flower or a wad of chewing gum, much less a nervous system with 100 billion neurons. Why then should we believe that one can derive psychobiological consciousness from QM? QM has not been shown to give any psychological answers. Conscious experience as we know it in humans has no resemblance to recording the collapse of a quantum wave packet. Let’s not confuse the mysteries of QM with the question of the reader’s perception of this printed phrase , or the inner sound of these words !

4.3 What can we make of Penrose’s Quantum Promissory Note? All scientific programs are promissory notes, making projections about the future and betting on what we may possibly find. The Darwin program was a promissory note, the Human Genome project is, as are particle physics and consciousness research. How do you place your bets? Is there a track record? Is there any evidence?

5. Treating Consciousness As A Variable: The Evidence For Consciousness As Such

5.1 We are barely at the point of agreeing on the real scientific questions, and on the kind of theory that could address them. On the matter of evidence, Baars (1983, 1988, 1994 and in press), Libet (1985) and others have argued that empirical constraints bearing on consciousness involve a close comparison of very similar conscious and unconscious processes. As elsewhere in science, we can only study a phenomenon if we can treat it as a variable. Many scientific breakthroughs result from the realization that some previously assumed constant, like atmospheric pressure, frictionless movement,the uniformity of space, the velocity and mass of the Newtonian universe, and the like, were actually variables, and that is the aim here. In the case of consciousness we can conduct a contrastive analysis comparing waking to sleep, coma, and general anesthesia; subliminal to supraliminal perception, habituated vs. novel stimuli, attended vs. nonattended streams of information, recalled vs. nonrecalled memories, and the like. In all these cases there is evidence that the conscious and unconscious events are comparable in many respects, so that we can validly probe for the essential differences between otherwise similar conscious and unconscious events (See Greenwald, 1992; Weiskrantz, 1986; Schacter, 1990).

5.2 This “method of contrastive analysis” is much like the experimental method: We can examine closely comparable cases that differ only in respect to consciousness, so that consciousness becomes, in effect, a variable. However, instead of dealing with only one experimental data set, contrastive analysis involves entire categories of well-established phenomena, summarizing numerous experimental studies. In this way we can highlight the variables that constrain consciousness over a very wide range of cases. The resulting robust pattern of evidence places major constraints on theory (Baars, 1988; in press).

6. Can Penrose Deal With Unconscious Information Processing?

6.1 Like many psychologists before 1900 Penrose appears to deny unconscious mental processes altogether. This is apparently because his real criterion is introspective access to the world of formal ideas. But introspection is impossible for unconscious events, and so the tendency for those who rely on introspection alone is to disbelieve the vast domain of unconscious processes.

6.2 Unconscious processing can be inferred from numerous sources of objective evidence. The simplest case is the great multitude of your memories that are currently unconscious. You can now recall this morning’s breakfast — but what happened to that memory before you brought it to mind? There is much evidence that even before recall the memory of breakfast was still represented in the nervous system, though not consciously. For example, we know that unconscious memories can influence other processes without ever coming to mind. If you had orange juice for breakfast today you may switch to milk tomorrow, even without bringing today’s juice to mind. A compelling case can be made for unconscious representation of habituated stimuli, of memories before and after recall, automatic skills, implicit learning, the rules of syntax, unattended speech, presupposed knowledge, preconscious input processing, and many other phenomena. In recent years a growing body of neurophysiological evidence has provided convergent confirmation of these claims. Researchers still argue about some of the particulars, but it is widely agreed that given adequate evidence, unconscious processes may be inferred.

6.3 What is the critical difference then between comparable conscious and unconscious processes? There are several, but perhaps the most significant one is that conscious percepts and images can trigger access to unanticipated knowledge sources. It is as if the conscious event is broadcast to memory, skill control, decision-making functions, anomaly detectors, and the like, allowing us to match the input with related memories, use it as a cue for a skilled actions or decisions, and detect problems in the input. At a broad architectural level, conscious representations seem to provide access to multiple knowledge source in the nervous system, while unconscious ones seem to be relatively isolated. The same conclusion follows from other contrastive analyses. (See Baars, 1988).

6.4 None of this evidence appears to fit in the SOTM framework, because it has no role for unconscious but vitally important information processing. This is a major point on which the great weight of psychobiological evidence and SOTM are fundamentally at odds.

7. The Emerging Psychobiology Of Consciousness

7.1 The really daring idea in contemporary science is that consciousness may be understandable without miracles, just as Darwin’s revolutionary idea was that biological variation could be understood as a purely natural phenomenon. We are beginning to see human conscious experience as a major biological adaptation, with multiple functions. It seems as if a conscious event becomes available throughout the brain to the neural mechanisms of memory, skill control, decision-makings, anomaly detection, and the like, allowing us to match our experiences with related memories, use them as a cue for skilled actions or decisions, and detect anomalies in them. By comparison, unconscious events seem to be relatively isolated. Thus consciousness is not just any kind of knowledge: It is knowledge that is widely distributed, that triggers off widespread unconscious processing, has multiple integrative and coordinating functions, aids in decision-making, problem-solving and action control, and provides information to a self-system.
8. Conclusion

8.1 I don’t know if consciousness has some profound metaphysical relation to physics. Science is notoriously unpredictable over the long term, and there are tricky mind-body paradoxes that may ultimately demand a radical solution. But at this point in the vexed history of the problem there is little question about the preferable scientific approach. It is not to try to solve the mind-body problem first — that effort has a poor track record — or to pursue lovely but implausible speculations. It is simply to do good science using consciousness as a variable, and investigating its relations to other psychobiological variables.

References

Baars, B.J. (1983). Conscious contents provide the nervous system with coherent, global information. In R. Davidson, G. Schwartz, & D. Shapiro (Eds.), Consciousness and self-regulation, 3, 45-76. New York: Plenum Press.

Baars, B.J. (1988) A cognitive theory of consciousness. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

Baars, B.J. (1994) A thoroughly empirical approach to consciousness. PSYCHE 1(6) [80 paragraphs] http://web.archive.org/web/20071103170804/http://psyche.cs.monash.edu.au/volume1/ psyche-94-1-6-contrastive-1-baars.html

Baars, B.J. (in press) Consciousness regained: The new science of human experience. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.

Crick, F.H.C. & Koch, C. (1992) The problem of consciousness, Scientific American, 267(3), 153-159.

Edelman, G. (1989) The remembered present: A biological theory of consciousness. NY: Basic Books.

Gazzaniga, M. (1994) Cognitive neuroscience. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

Greenwald, A. (1992). New Look 3, Unconscious cognition reclaimed. American Psychologist, 47(6), 766-779.

James, W. (1890/1983). The principles of psychology. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Kinsbourne, M. (1993). Integrated field model of conscousness. In G. Marsh & M. J. Brock (Eds.), CIBA symposium on experimental and theoretical studies of consciousness. (pp. 51-60). London: Wiley Interscience.

Libet, B. (1985) Unconscious cerebral initiative and the role of conscious will in voluntary action. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 8, 529-66.

Newman, J., & Baars, B. J. (1993). A neural attentional model for access to consciousness: A Global Workspace perspective. Concepts In Neuroscience, 2(3), 3-25.

Penrose, R. (1994) Shadows of the mind. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.

Schacter, D. L. (1990). Toward a cognitive neuropsychology of awareness: Implicit knowledge and anosognosia. Journal of Clinical and Experimental Neuropsychology, 12(1), 155-178.

Weiskrantz, (1986) Blindsight: A single case and its implications. Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press.

Can Physics Provide a Theory of Consciousness? A Review of Shadows of the Mind by Roger Penrose by Bernard J. Baars, baars@cogsci.berkeley.edu, Copyright (c) Bernard J. Baars 1995

Cognition and Spirituality

Posted on March 26th, 2007 in Spirituality & Rationalism by Dr Rationalist

Relations between Two Modes of Cognition: Rational-Scientific and Intuitive-Spiritual

Considerable evidence indicates that the human cognitive system comprises two subsystems, one rational-scientific and the other intuitive-spiritual. Differences as well as harmonies and interactions between the two subsystems are described. The advent of systems science has improved the understanding of the harmonies and interactions. Consideration of cultural differences is important for understanding spirituality and communicating about it.

Twenty years ago I read about an Australian medicine man whose soul travelled to the center of the earth, where in a bright cave he saw the two Ungud serpents, the fundamental creative force of life and the earth (1), and I still remember, how I immediately conceived the reading of this story as a peak of my scientific career. Not for a moment did it occur to me that the language and background of the medicine man, so different from my own, were of any importance for the relevance of his spiritual experience to my own vision of scientific research: a striving to see (understand) the most important features of life and nature.

“Spiritual” is not a well defined term, but study of the literature shows that a number of knowledgeable authors have developed the opinion that a spiritual essence exists and can be understood cross-culturally (2 – 6). This view with its philosophical ramifications is often called the “Perennial Philosophy”. Other authors, also knowledgeable, believe that the cultural differences are more fundamental (7), but all seem to agree that every mystic or spiritual person expresses or has expressed him/herself in the language and general frame of reference of his/her own culture.

In the sessions of the Spirituality group in the International Society for the Systems Sciences (ISSS) we have had several valuable inputs from non-Western cultures (Japanese,Indian, American Indian, Aboriginal Australian etc.), but for those of us who are rooted in Western scientific culture it seems that we will obtain our best chance for communicating about spirituality by expressing ourselves on the background of our familiar scientific attitude. A better understanding of both simlarities and differences among the cultures may then become possible.

Here it must be recalled, however, that during its relatively short history modern science has undergone several fundamental changes, called paradigmatic shifts in the literature on the philosophy of science (8). I find that the advent of modern systems science constitutes such a paradigmatic shift, and one which is important for the communication about spirituality. Thus a spiritual experience is often said to have a strong feature of unity, an intuition that everything is connected with everything. This general idea can also be expressed and understood in systems science, but not so readily in old fashioned science with its focus on one cause – one effect. Systems science does not replace or even describe the spiritual experience, but I think, it can give a correspondence with spirituality in words or mathematics which is helpful in our attempts to communicate and perhaps obtain intersubjective agreement.

In the International Society for the Systems Sciences, ISSS some people have expressed concern about spirituality being discussed in a scientific society like ISSS, apparently because they think that there may be some disagreement or even conflict between science and spirituality. In the beginning this came as a complete surprise to me, as may be understood from the first paragraph above. Now I understand the reasons for these concerns better. One reason seems to be that some spiritual people do not live up to the ideals of science concerning a critical attitude. Lack of critical reflection is, however, also observed with many non-spiritual people and within science itself; and conversely, some persons to whom spirituality is important do practice the level of criticism ideally required by science. From an engineer’s viewpoint it may also be a matter of concern, that spiritual people often envisage or relie on empowerment coming from spirituality, while engineers tend to presume that everything is done by rational means and individual willpower. The engineers viewpoint is, however, not an inevitable consequence of science; rather the difference of opinion is a problem amenable for further study, within both science and spirituality.

Considerable evidence indicates that our cognitive system consists of (at least) two subsystems, one rational-scientific and the other intuitive-spiritual (9). Since these subsystems work on overlapping data bases, it seems understandable that sometimes they come up with comparable results as briefly mentioned above. Only, these results are experienced consciously in widely different ways. Further, although the two subsystems are working in parallel, they probably influence each other, because the human person appears to function as a self-organizing system.This is also brought out by more detailed studies: intuitive and spiritual ideas can be contemplated rationally and in the end give rise to rational-scientific conclusions, which may again give rise to new intuitive ideas (9), so that a progressive develpopment of knowledge occurs. Indeed, our discussions in the ISSS may be regarded as an example of this self-organizing interaction in progress.

References
1. Lommel, Andreas 1969, Fortschritt ins Nichts. Atlantis: Zürich. See in particular pp. 137, 156-158.

2. Ferrer, Jorge N. 2000, The Perennial Philosophy Revisited. The Journal of Transpersonal Psychology Vol. 32 (1): 7-30. Many references.

3. Forman, Robert K. C. (ed.) 1997. The Problem of Pure Consciousness. Oxford University Press: New York. Chapters by Donald Rothberg, Stephen Bernhardt, and Norman Prigge & Gary Kessler.

4. Randrup, Axel 1998, The Perennial Philosophy. Lecture 42nd Annual Conference of The International Society for the Systems Sciences, 1998 http://web.archive.org/web/20080120054541/http://www.isss.org/ Publ. on CD rom ISBN 0-9664183-0-1, eds. Janet K. Allen and Jennifer Wilby. With references.

5. Smith, Huston 1987, Is There a Perennial Philosophy? Journal of the American Academy of Religion, Vol. 55 (3): 553-566.

6. Underhill, Ruth M. 1965. Red Man’s Religion. University of Chicago Press: Chicago. USA. See particularly p. 94 and chapter 23.

7. Katz, Steven (ed.) 1992, Mysticism and Language. Oxford University Press: New York.

8. Brier, Soeren 1994, Verdensformlen der Blev Vaek. Aalborg Universitetsforlag: Aalborg, Denmark. Much on paradigmatic shifts.

9. Marchais, P., Grize, J.-B., Randrup, A. 1995, Intuition et psychiatrie. Annales Médico-Psychologique, Vol.153 (6): 369-384.

Axel A. Randrup, International Center for Interdisciplinary Psychiatric Research, CIRIP, arandrup@mobilixnet.dk

Spirituality & Science

Posted on March 24th, 2007 in Rationality & Science, Spirituality & Rationalism by Dr Rationalist

British psychiatry has largely focused on the biology of mental disorder, supported over recent years by advances in the neurosciences. There has been a somewhat awkward fit with psychology, since psychology is based on the concept of mind, and how the mind and brain are related is far from clear. The view taken by many is to regard mind as epiphenomenal, on the basis that the brain itself is somehow generating consciousness.

In this model of the psyche, there is no need to postulate a soul. We are nothing but the product of our genes, as Richard Dawkins (1976) would have us believe. Such an assertion comes at the tail end of an epoch that began 300 years ago with the intellectual giants, René Descartes and Isaac Newton. Descartes set down a lasting blueprint for science, that he would hold nothing to be true unless he could prove to his satisfaction that it was true. Newton laid the foundation of a mechanical universe, in which time is absolute and space is structured according to the laws of motion, a cosmos of stars and planets all held in place by the forces of momentum and gravitation.

Both Descartes and Newton were deeply religious men. Descartes’ famous saying, “Cogito ergo sum”, led him simply to argue that God had created two classes of substance, a mental world and a physical world, while Newton spent more time engrossed in his alchemical researches than working out the laws of motion. Yet their discoveries led to an enduring split between religion and science with which we live to this day. The Church could no longer claim to understand how the universe worked, for its mediaeval cosmology had been swept aside. As the mental and physical worlds drifted further apart, God became a shadowy figure behind the scenes, whose only function was winding up the mainspring of the universe. In the past 100 years, the science of psychology has redefined the mental world along essentially humanist lines, a mind-set that can be traced back to Sigmund Freud (1927), who saw religion as a massive defence against neurosis. Even Carl Jung was careful to stay within the bounds of psychology when defining the soul as “the living thing in Man, that which lives of itself and causes life” (1959: p. 26).

Our patients have no such reservations. We know from a survey carried out by the Mental Health Foundation (Faulkner, 1997) that over 50% of service users hold religious or spiritual beliefs that they see as important in helping them cope with mental illness, yet do not feel free, as they would wish, to discuss these beliefs with the psychiatrist. Need there be such a divide between psychiatrists and their patients? If we care to look at some of the advances in physics over the past 75 years, we find good cause to think again.

In the light of quantum mechanics, Newton’s view of a physical world that is substantial, fixed and independent of mind is no longer tenable. For example, the famous wave-particle experiment shows that when a beam of light is shone through a narrow slit so that it falls on a particle detector, subatomic packets of light called quanta strike the detector screen like miniature bullets. Change the apparatus to two slits side by side and the light coming through the slits generates a wave interference pattern, just as ripples criss-cross when two stones are dropped side by side into a pond. Particles become waves and waves become particles. Both of these dimensional realities have equal validity and cannot be divorced from the consciousness of the participant-observer. This is but a window onto a greater vista, for current superstring theory postulates many more dimensions than our local space-time can accommodate.

No longer is the electron thought of as a particle that spins around the atom like a miniature solar system. Instead, it is conceptualised as ‘virtual’, being smeared throughout all space in a quantum wave that only collapses as a particle into our physical space-time when the consciousness of the observer is engaged in the act of measurement. Nor can its velocity and position ever both be known at the same time, for when the quantum wave collapses, there is only a statistical probability that the electron will turn up where it is expected. It may just materialise hundreds, thousands or even millions of miles away. When it does so, it arrives at that place instantaneously, transcending the limits of both space and time. Here is what three eminent physicists have to say.

“The fundamental process of nature lies outside space-time but generates events that can be located in space-time.” (Stapp, 1977: p. 202)

“Ultimately, the entire universe (with all its particles, including those constituting human beings, their laboratories, observing instruments, etc.) has to be understood as a single undivided whole, in which analysis into separately and independently existent parts has no fundamental status.” (Bohm, 1983: p. 174)

“The universe exists as formless potentia in myriad possible branches in the transcendent domain and becomes manifest only when observed by conscious beings.” (Goswami, 1993: p. 141)

When consciousness collapses the wave function into the space-time of our perceptual world, mind and matter arise simultaneously, like two sides of one coin. The brain, of course, is crucial in this; mind, the capacity for individual self-awareness, is constellated with each physical self. Consciousness is then perpetuated through repeated further collapse of the wave function. (The process can be compared with the individual frames of a film flowing together to create movement.) In this way, we are continually generating what we think of as ‘reality’, characterised by memories, our personal histories and an enduring sense of identity. (Fortunately for us, our shared world of sense perception has structural stability, not because it is independent of consciousness but because the probability wave from which it arises has been collectively generated by all conscious beings throughout time.)

Quantum effects show up most readily at the subatomic level, but empirical research into largescale systems has also demonstrated that mind can influence matter. For example, random number generators have been shown, over thousands of trials, to yield scores correlating with the mental intention of the experimenter (Schmidt, 1987). More striking still are those unaccountable events we call miracles. Since the wave function contains, in potentia, all that ever was, is and shall be, there is no limit in principle to what is possible. Why should not a mind of such exceptional power as that of Jesus collapse the wave uniquely and thereby turn water into wine?

Evidence for the non-locality of consciousness was first demonstrated over 25 years ago, when it was shown that experimental subjects who are emotionally attuned can synchronise their brain waves at a distance from each other (Targ & Puthoff, 1974). Remote viewing and precognition have since been firmly established on an empirical basis (Radin, 1997). The efficacy of prayer has been researched (Byrd, 1988), as have more than 150 controlled studies on healing (Benor, 1992). Such findings merit the epithet ‘paranormal’ only if we view them through Newtonian glasses. Who can therefore say what does not exist in the quantum domain, from the supreme consciousness we call God, to those sensed presences (often of the newly departed) that psychiatrists refer to as pseudo-hallucinations, down to unruly spirits that, according to the traditions of many societies, blight the lives of those they persecute?

When we enquire into the beliefs our patients hold, such matters deserve to be discussed with a genuinely open mind. We do not have the answers and indeed our patients may sometimes be closer to the truth than we know. Nor are we required to affirm a particular religious or spiritual viewpoint but simply to treat the often strange experiences told us by our patients as authentic. This can sometimes be uncomfortable, for we are trained to judge with confidence the difference between fantasy and reality and to diagnose accordingly. Yet it comes a whole lot easier once we concede the limitations of space-time, which we can do by taking an unprejudiced intellectual position or experientially through spiritual practice.

People in sound mental health, who sense that beyond the doors of perception lies a greater world, can use such awareness to enrich their lives, be it through prayer, mediumship or mystical reverie. But where there is mental turmoil, whatever its cause, that same sensitivity brings profound distress (Powell, 1988, 2000). Then the psychiatrist who takes into account biological, psychological and spiritual aspects alike is well placed to help. The stigma that so often burdens our patients is not only the result of social opprobrium. It is fuelled by the experience of estrangement from humankind, one that we as psychiatrists can surely help to overcome.

References

Benor, D. (1992) Healing Research: Holistic Energy Medicine and Spirituality. Munich: Helix.Bohm, D. (1983) Wholeness and the Implicate Order. London: Ark Paperbacks.

Byrd, R. C. (1988) Positive therapeutic effects of intercessory prayer in coronary care unit population. Southern Medical Journal, 81, 826-829.Dawkins, R. (1976) The Selfish Gene. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Freud, S. (1927) The Future of an Illusion. Reprinted (1953-1974) in The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud (ed. and trans. J. Strachey), vol. 21. London: Hogarth Press.

Goswami, A. (1993) The Self-Aware Universe. New York: Putnam.

Jung, C. (1959) Archetypes and the collective unconscious. In The Collected Works of C. G. Jung (Eds H. Read, Fordham & G. Alder, trans. R. F. C. Hull), Vol. 9, Pt London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.

Faulkner, A. (1997) Knowing Our Own Minds. London: Mental Health Foundation.

Powell, A. (1998) Soul consciousness and human suffering: psychotherapeutic approaches to healing. Journal Alternative and Complementary Medicine, 4, 101-108. — (2000) Beyond space and time – the unbounded psyche. In Brain and Beyond. Edinburgh: Floris Books (in press).

Radin, D. (1997) The Conscious Universe: The Scientific Truth of Psychic Phenomena. New York: Harper Edge. Schmidt, H. (1987) The strange properties of psychokinesis. Journal of Scientific Exploration, 1, 103-118.

Stapp, H. P. (1977) Are superluminal connections necessary? Nuovo Cimento, 40B, 191-204.

Targ, R. & Puthoff, H. E. (1974) Information transmission under conditions of sensory shielding. Nature, 251, 602-607.

(Spirituality and science:a personal view by Andrew Powell. Andrew Powell is former consultant psychotherapist and honorary senior lecturer at the Warneford Hospital and University of Oxford. He is Chair of the Spirituality and Psychiatry Special Interest Group, Royal College of Psychiatrists (correspondence: c/o Sue Duncan, Royal College of Psychiatrists, 17 Belgrave Square, London SW1X 8PG)

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